Cultural Heritage Impact Report

TRANS MOUNTAIN PIPELINE EXPANSION
PROJECT (TMEP)
CULTURAL HERITAGE IMPACT
ASSESSMENT
SHXW’ŌWHÁMEL INDIAN BAND

FINAL
APRIL 10, 2015

PREPARED BY STÓ:LŌ RESEARCH AND RESOURCE MANAGEMENT CENTRE
2015

Credits
Project Director/Principle Investigator
Project Manager/Researcher
Archaeology
Project Archaeologist/Field Director
Archaeologist
Field Assistants

GIS
GIS Analyst
GIS Researcher/Assistant Analyst
Research Assistance
Research Assistant
Library & Archives Research

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David M. Schaepe, PhD
Shana Roberts, MEDes

Cara Brendzy, BA, B.App.GIS, RPCA
Lisa Dojack, MA
Sandy McDonald
Irene Smith

Sue Formosa
Ezra Greene

Sandy McDonald
Tia Halstad
Gina Parcels

Table of Contents
Credits ......................................................................................................................................... i
Table of Contents....................................................................................................................... iii
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ............................................................................................................................ vii
DEFINITIONS .......................................................................................................................... viii
LIST OF ACRONYMS ................................................................................................................ ix
1

Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1
1.1

Project Description and Objectives .............................................................................. 1

1.1.1
1.2

The Stó:lō – People of the River .................................................................................. 1

1.2.1

2

4

5

The Stó:lō Socio-cultural Profile ............................................................................ 2

1.3

The Tít Tribe ................................................................................................................ 4

1.4

Shxw’ōwhámel ............................................................................................................. 5

Methodological Framework ................................................................................................. 8
2.1

Theoretical Approach ................................................................................................... 8

2.2

Methodological Approach............................................................................................. 9

2.3

Stó:lō Cultural Model .................................................................................................... 9

2.3.1
3

Scope of Work ...................................................................................................... 1

Impact Rating Criteria ..........................................................................................15

Fishing ...............................................................................................................................16
3.1

Historic Fishing Practices ............................................................................................16

3.2

Contemporary Fishing Practices .................................................................................17

3.2.1

Traditional Waterways and Potential Impacts.......................................................19

3.2.2

Access to waterways ...........................................................................................19

3.2.3

Loss of traditional Waterways due to oil spills ......................................................19

3.2.4

Integrity of fishing sites and cultural effects ..........................................................20

3.2.5

Fishing Impact Assessment .................................................................................20

Spiritual Activities ...............................................................................................................23
4.1

Historic Role of Spiritual Activities ...............................................................................23

4.2

Contemporary Role of Spiritual Activities ....................................................................24

4.3

Impact Assessment Spiritual Activities ........................................................................27

4.3.1

Cultural-Heritage Assessment .............................................................................27

4.3.2

Archaeology Assessment.....................................................................................28

Plant and Forest Product Harvesting (Gathering) ...............................................................31
5.1

Historic Gathering Practices ........................................................................................31

5.2

Contemporary Gathering Practices .............................................................................32

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5.3
6

Gathering Impact Assessment ....................................................................................34

Travel Corridors .................................................................................................................37
6.1

Historic Context for Travel Corridors ...........................................................................37

6.2

Contemporary Context for Travel Corridors.................................................................38

6.2.1

Baseline – Historical Trails ...................................................................................39

6.2.2

Baseline – Roads and Infrastructure ....................................................................39

6.3

7

Impact Assessment – Travel Corridors .......................................................................40

6.3.1

Cultural-Heritage Assessment .............................................................................40

6.3.2

Impacts – Roads and Infrastructure .....................................................................40

Habitation and Settlements ................................................................................................44
7.1

Historic Context for Settlements ..................................................................................44

7.2

Contemporary Context for Habitation/Settlements ......................................................45

7.3

Impact Assessment - Habitation/Settlements ..............................................................46

7.4

Baseline Villages and Burials ......................................................................................46

7.5

Impact Assessment – Habitation/Settlements .............................................................46

7.5.1
8

Cultural-Heritage Assessment .............................................................................46

Hunting and Trapping ........................................................................................................49
8.1

Historic context for Hunting and Trapping ...................................................................49

8.2

Contemporary context for Hunting and Trapping .........................................................50

8.3

Baseline for Hunting and Trapping ..............................................................................51

8.4

Impact Assessment – Hunting and Trapping ...............................................................52

8.4.1
9

Cultural-Heritage Assessment .............................................................................52

Socio-Economic Health and Well-Being .............................................................................54
9.1

Historical role of Economic Activities ...........................................................................54

9.2

Contemporary role of Economic activities ...................................................................55

9.3

Impact Assessment – Economic Activities ..................................................................56

9.4

Impact Assessment – Health and Well-being ..............................................................57

10

Community Based Programs and Health ........................................................................60

10.1

Historic Context for Community-based Programs and health ......................................60

10.2

Contemporary Context for Community-based Programs and Health ...........................60

10.3

Impact Assessment – Community-based Programs and Health ..................................61

11

Impact Summary ............................................................................................................64

12

Conclusion .....................................................................................................................66

13

References .....................................................................................................................67

14

Appendices ....................................................................................................................70

14.1

The Restmore Caves ..................................................................................................70

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14.2

The Stó:lō Relationship to Sturgeon............................................................................71

14.3

Sxwóy:xwey Mask.......................................................................................................73

14.4

Welqamex DiRi-15 (Greenwood Island) ......................................................................75

14.5

Cultural Heritage Overview Impact Assessment Mapbook ..........................................76

14.6 Archaeological Impact Assessment of the Trans Mountain Expansion Project on
Ohamil IR 1 Near Hope, BC - Figures ...................................................................................80
14.7 Ground Truthing of Aboriginal Trails Along the Proposed Trans Mountain Pipeline
Corridor From Cheam to Sumas (1025-1092 KM) – November 2013 ....................................82

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List of Figures
Figure 1-1 Map showing the project footprint through S’ólh Téméxw. ........................................ 3
Figure 1-2 Tít Territory ............................................................................................................... 5
Figure 1-3 Shxw’ōwhámel Territory ............................................................................................ 7
Figure 2-1 Stó:lō Cultural Model ................................................................................................10
Figure 2-2 Cultural values associated with historic activities .....................................................13
Figure 2-3 Cultural values associated with contemporary activities ...........................................14
Table 2-3 Colour Legend for Cultural Model and Cultural Value Tables ....................................15
Figure 3-1 Cultural values associated with historic fishing activities ..........................................17
Figure 3-2 Cultural values associated with contemporary fishing activities ................................18
Figure 3-3 Impacts of Trans Mountain Expansion Project on Fishing activities..........................22
Figure 4-4-1 Cultural values associated with historic spiritual activities .....................................24
Figure 4-2 Cultural values associated with contemporary spiritual activities ..............................26
Figure 4-3 Potential impact of Trans Mountain Expansion Project on spiritual activities ............30
Figure 5-1 Cultural values associated with historic gathering activities ......................................32
Figure 5-2 Cultural values associated with contemporary gathering activities ...........................33
Figure 5-3 Impacts of the Trans Mountain Expansion Project on gathering activities ................36
Figure 6-1 Cultural values associated with historic travel corridors...........................................38
Figure 6-2 Cultural values associated with contemporary travel corridors .................................39
Figure 6-3 Impacts of Trans Mountain Expansion Project on travel corridors ............................43
Figure 7-1 Cultural values associated with historic habitation/settlement ..................................44
Figure 7-2 Cultural values associated with contemporary habitation/settlement ........................45
Figure 7-3 Impacts of the Trans Mountain Expansion Project on habitation/settlement .............48
Figure 8-1 Cultural values associated with historic hunting and trapping activities ....................50
Figure 8-2 Cultural values associated with contemporary hunting and trapping activities ..........51
Figure 8-3 Impacts of Trans Mountain Expansion Project on hunting and trapping activities .....53
Figure 9-1 Cultural values associated with socio-economic activities ........................................55
Figure 9-2 Cultural values associated with contemporary socio-economic activities .................56
Figure 9-3 Impacts of the Trans Mountain Expansion Project on socio-economic activities ......59
Figure 10-1 Cultural values associated with community-based programs and health ................60
Figure 10-2 Cultural values associated with contemporary community-based programs and
health .................................................................................................................................61
Figure 10-3 Impacts of the Trans Mountain Expansion Project on community-based programs
and health ..........................................................................................................................63
Figure 11-1 Impacts of the Trans Mountain Expansion Project on Cultural Activities ................65

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List of Tables
Table 2-1 Explanation of Cultural Components, Associated Values, and Halq’eméylem
Associated Words and Meanings .......................................................................................10
Table 2-2 Legend for Cultural Model and Cultural Value Tables ...............................................13
Table 2-3 Colour Legend for Cultural Model and Cultural Value Tables ....................................15
Table 3-1 Number of documented fishing sites within 2km of Trans Mountain Pipeline corridor in
Tít Territory. .......................................................................................................................20
Table 3-2 Rating criteria for TMEP impact assessment .............................................................21
Table 4-1 Number of documented cultural sites and spiritual practice sites within 2km of the
Trans Mountain Pipeline Expansion Corridor in Tít Territory ..............................................27
Table 4-2 Known cultural sites associates with spiritual activities within the study area ............28
Table 4-3 Archaeological sites in context zone..........................................................................28
Table 4-4 Rating criteria for TMEP impact assessment .............................................................29
Table 5-1 Number of documented harvesting site within 2km of the Trans Mountain Expansion
Project Corridor in Tít Territory ...........................................................................................35
Table 5-2 Rating criteria for TMEP impact assessment .............................................................35
Table 6-1 Documented and travel routes within the pipeline corridor ........................................40
Table 6-2 Rating criteria for TMEP impact assessment .............................................................42
Table 7-1 Rating criteria for TMEP impact assessment .............................................................47
Table 8-1 Number of documented hunting and trapping sites located within 2km of the Trans
Mountain Expansion Project Corridor in Tít Territory. .........................................................52
Table 8-2 Rating criteria for TMEP impact assessment .............................................................52
Table 9-1 Rating criteria for TMEP impact assessment .............................................................58
Table 10-1 Rating criteria for TMEP impact assessment ...........................................................62

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DEFINITIONS
Activity: the things we do. Activities considered in the report include fishing, spiritual activities,
gathering, hunting and trapping, travelling, settling in communities, conducting communitybased cultural programs and health and well-being.
Ancient Trees: Trees of interest biologically, aesthetically or culturally because of their great
age.
Bighouse: spiritual longhouse.
Halkomelem: The language of the Stó:lō; Halq’eméylem is the upriver dialect of the
Halkomelem language (note that further reference to the language will include Halq’eméylem);
Overnight site: a place to stay during a multi-day hunting expedition.
Shxwlá:m: A spiritual mediator, a healer (spiritual, psychological, physical), who brings
harmony between groups and between humans and nature.
Snoweyelh: teachings, principles, or laws.
Smílha: winter dance ceremony.
S’ólh Téméxw: our world or our land and refers to Stó:lō traditional territory (see Figure 3-1).
Sqwélqwel: true news, family history, and includes their collective and personal histories since
sxwōxwiyá:m.
stl’e’áleq: gift exchange at a gathering or feasting event, similar to potlatch.
Stó:lō: people of the river who are the Coast Salish people of the lower Fraser watershed
whose traditional language is Halkomelem.
Sxexó:mes: all our gifts and includes the Halkomelem language, resources (e.g. cedar;
salmon), Stó:lō heritage sites (e.g., spiritual places; landscape features; traditional use areas
and religious use areas), material cultural heritage (e.g. objects), ancestral human remains, and
cultural intellectual properties (e.g., Halkomelem place names, names, songs, dances, designs,
ceremonies, and traditional cultural knowledge); sxwōxwiyá:m means narratives of the distant
past "when the world was out of balance, and not quite right”, and the actions of Xexá:ls
“making the world right,” which describe the origins of and connections between the Stó:lō,
shxwelí, sxexó:mes, and S'ólh Téméxw.
Sxwó:yxwey Sxwó:yxwey ceremony featuring a masked dance, songs and regailia.
Syéw:él (Syúwén): spirit song; or one who has a spirit song.
Syúwél:a winter dancer’s spirit power.
Tewít: an expert hunter.
Tl’etláxel: the act of exchanging gifts at a gathering or feasting event; similar to potlatching.
Tómiyeqw: great-great-great-great-grandparents/aunts/uncles and great-great-great-greatgrandchildren/nieces/nephews and establishes the connection between the living Stó:lō and the
people seven generations past and future.
Xwélmexw: people who can demonstrate meaningful social, ceremonial, or economic ties with
Fraser River families or resources, whether through a kinship tie (extended family, kin group, a
tribe) or through important social/economic affiliation.
Water Crossing: a crossing or temporary crossing and any associated permanent of temporary
structures that are or will be constructed to provide access over a waterbody.

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LIST OF ACRONYMS
AANDC Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada
AIA Archaeological Impact Assessment
BC British Columbia
CHOIA Cultural Heritage Overview Impact Assessment
DFO Department of Fisheries and Oceans Canada
GIS geographic information system
IR Indian reservation
KM Kinder Morgan
OGMA Old Growth Management Area
RAAD Remote Access to Archaeology Data
RK reference kilometer
RSA regional study area
TEK Traditional Ecological Knowledge
TERA Tera Environmental Consultants
TMEP TransMountain Expansion Project

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1

Introduction

1.1 Project Description and Objectives
In December 2014, Shxw’ōwhámel Indian Band (Shxw’ōwhámel) retained the Stó:lō Research
and Resource Management Centre (SRRMC) to conduct an impact assessment of the Trans
Mountain Expansion Project focusing on potential impacts to cultural heritage sites and values,
including but not limited to archaeological sites (i.e., the Project). The definition of heritage sites
applied in the study is based on the Stó:lō Heritage Policy Manual (Stó:lō Nation 2003 v1.1).
The objectives of this Project are to:
1. Review Kinder Morgan’s application to determine whether it adequately assesses the
impact of the Trans Mountain Pipeline Expansion Project on archaeological and cultural
resources and sites in S’ólh Téméxw with a focus on Tít Territory and the Shxw’ōwhámel
Indian Band Reserves Ohamil IR, and
2. To assess the potential impacts to archaeological and cultural heritage sites and values
of Shxw’ōwhámel resulting from the existing Trans Mountain pipeline and the proposed
expansion of this pipeline route within S’ólh Téméxw, Tít Tribe Territory, and the reserve
area of Shxw’ōwhámel.
Additionally, the report identifies potential impacts to cultural heritage associated with the
existing and proposed expansion of the Trans Mountain Pipeline, which are identified in
terms of direct, indirect and cumulative effects.
1.1.1 Scope of Work
The work included in this report identifies potential impacts within
1. S’ólh Téméxw (Figure 1.1)
2. Tít Territory (Figure 1.2)
3. Ohamil IR (Figure 1.3)
The work conducted for this project and the information presented in this report, while
comprehensive, cannot be considered to be exhaustive given the large scope of the TMEP.
Limiting factors including funding, timelines, and the necessary consideration of Stó:lō
customary intellectual property protocols (cultural knowledge is private and cannot be shared).
The information contained in the report does not constitute consultation with Shxw’ōwhámel
Indian Band, and serves only to provide information to be presented to the National Energy
Board as an assessment of the impacts of the proposed Trans Mountain Expansion Project on
Shxw’ōwhámel’s culture. The report and any element of its development, does not fulfill the
Crown’s constitutional duty to consult and accommodate Shxw’ōwhámel First Nation in respect
of the Trans Mountain Expansion Project.
Nothing in this report is intended to affect the exercise or scope of, or justify any infringement of
Stó:lō Aboriginal rights, nor shall anything in this report be interpreted as affecting the legal
relationship between parties. This report and the information shared as a result of it, are without
prejudice to any legal positions that have been taken or may be taken by either of the parties in
any court proceedings, process or otherwise or any treaty or other negotiations, and shall not be
construed as an admission of fact or liability in any such proceedings, process or negotiations.
1.2 The Stó:lō – People of the River
This study is set in the contemporary context of the Stó:lō (People of the River) of the lower
Fraser River Watershed of southwestern British Columbia, known as S’ólh Téméxw (Our Land;
Our World). The Stó:lō have been subject to a history and process of land and resource use
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beginning with first contact with Europeans (1808), and entrenched by the Crown government
through the Oregon Treaty (1846), the establishment of British Columbia as a Crown Colony
(1858), and the British North America Act (1876). The subjection of land and resource use
continues today in a manner that lacks the recognition and input of the Stó:lō and, resultantly,
establishes the current landscape of significant stresses and limits on the ability of the Stó:lō to
exercise their aboriginal rights and traditional culture within S’ólh Téméxw. Such unilateral and
diasporic economic development, continues to significantly and adversely affect the rights and
culture of the Stó:lō, as one of the world’s surviving indigenous peoples. It is integral that this
research and its findings are viewed through this lens when considering the impacts of the
Trans Mountain Expansion Project.
1.2.1 The Stó:lō Socio-cultural Profile
Stó:lō (People of the River) still occupy S’ólh Téméxw, the lower Fraser River watershed of
southwestern British Columbia. Stó:lō are Halq’eméylem-speaking Coast Salish people. The
Stó:lō are culturally interlinked with many Coast Salish referring to themselves as Stó:lō or tribes
of Stó:lō (Ts’elxwéyeqw, Tít, Pil’Ált, Leq’á:mél, and so forth). Stó:lō are culturally spiritually,
physically, psychologically, and economically interconnected with the land and resources of
S’ólh Téméxw. For the Stó:lō there exists a long-standing and deep-seated relationship with,
commitment to the defence and protection of, and continued use and management throughout,
their territory S’ólh Téméxw. Stó:lō occupation of S’ólh Téméxw extends back thousands of
years, to time immemorial.
Evidence of thousands of years of continuous occupation by the Stó:lō and their ancestors is
documented through a range of mediums of transmission including oral history, written history,
ethnography, archaeology, scholarly publications, reports, maps, and more (Schaepe 2006;
2009; Carlson, Schaepe, McHalsie, Smith, Rhodes and Duffield 2001; Schaepe et al 2003,
2004; 2009; Carlson 2010; Suttles 1985; Jenness 1955; Wells 1987; Duff 1954; Lepofsky,
Schaepe, Graesch, Lenert, Ormerod, Carlson, Blake, Moore, and Clague 2009; Boas 1894 and
more).
The Stó:lō maintain a wide range of political, socio-cultural, and economic ties to land, air,
water, ancestors, and kin through their occupation, use, and management of the land and
resources within S’ólh Téméxw. The Stó:lō-Coast Salish have a long history of defending their
lands from unwelcome outsiders (Angelbeck 2009; Angelbeck and McLay 2012; Richards 2011;
Schaepe 2001; 2006; Supernant 2011).
Stó:lō identity and societal health, including an interconnected set of spiritual, mental, physical,
emotional relations, are linked to and dependent upon the integrity of the land, air, water, and
resources constituting S’ólh Téméxw and the Stó:lō cultural landscape (see Carlson 2006,
2010; McHalsie 2007; Schaepe 2007;Schaepe et al 2003).
In general, the impact assessment will consider the proposed project as it lies within S’ólh
Téméxw (Stó:lō Traditional Territory; Figure 3-1), including the proposed pipeline, the right of
way corridor, ‘context’ zones surrounding the right of way, and all other areas of S’ólh Téméxw
that may be affected by aspects of the proposed development.

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FIGURE 1-1 MAP SHOWING THE PROJECT FOOTPRINT THROUGH S’ÓLH TÉMÉXW.

S’ólh Téméxw (Stó:lō Territory) is a Halq’eméylem word for “our world” or “our land. S’ólh
Téméxw represents the world transformed by the actions of the Xexá:ls, Tel Sweyal and other
‘agents’ of Chichelh Siya:m [the Creator]. S’ólh Téméxw is defined through the known extent of
occupation and land use of the Halq’eméylem speaking peoples of mainland British Columbia.
The Canadian extent of S’ólh Téméxw includes the lower Fraser River Watershed extends from
the 49th parallel at Frosty Mountain near Manning Park, northward to Ross Lake watershed and
on to the Coquihalla watershed up to the Coquihalla Lakes. Westward from there the boundary
meets Hidden Creek, near Spuzzum, and crosses the Fraser River to follow Spuzzum Creek to
Harrison Lake Watershed. The boundary extends northwest and crosses Lillooet River ten miles
north of Port Douglas. The line then extends west, through the Stave Lake, Pitt Lake, Indian
Arm and Capilano River the watersheds , then down from West Vancouver to White Rock and
due east along the 49th parallel, through the Chilliwack Valley and Upper Skagit Valley to Frosty
Mountain.

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1.3 The Tít Tribe
The Tit Tribal Territory extends North beyond Yale and the Canyon to Mounts Douglas and
Breakenridge; east beyond the Skagit Ranges to the Coquihalla summits; south to the border
between Canada and the United States, and west through Chilliwack and Agassiz to the
western reaches of Harrison Lake.
When the Tít (also known as Tait, Taite, or Teit) had first contact with the Europeans, a major
population centre was the Lower Fraser Canyon above Lady Franklin Rock. The Canyon
villages had a large annual population that grew in the summer months with the influx of fishers.
Wilson Duff described Popkum as the Southernmost Tít Village located on the east bank where
the river narrows a mile below Seabird Island. Robert Joe said that it was a large village, of a
small tribe, stretching from Popkum to Skwatac (Squatits). He added that the house pits can still
be seen just where the small creek flows from Cheam Lake. Popqkw’em is the Halq’eméylem
word meaning ‘puffballs’. In the past, the puffball mushroom was plentiful in the Popkum area
and was an important food source for the local people. This name also implies that Popkum
was part of a defensive network of linked lookout and villages using smoke signals (like puff ball
emissions) as a means of communication (Schaepe 2006).
Lhílheqey (Mt. Cheam) is the highest mountain in Tít Territory, and is part of the watershed
divide shared with Pil’ált and Ts’elxwéyeqw tribal areas. It is one of the most distinguished
features of the territory and within S’ólh Téméxw. The Tít people went to the mountains to
collect berries and roots, and to hunt for game to supplement their diet. There was a large
population of mountain goats that were hunted for their wool-like hair, which the women used to
weave blankets. The Tít people consider the mountain to be one of them. The related
Sxwōxwiyá:m states that the mountain knows when any of the ’tribes members passes on, even
if the person is far away from Cheam Peak, and that it “moans in grief of the loss”. Cheam Peak
is known to the Tít Tribes as Lhílheqey, the “mother mountain.” “Lhílheqey was originally a
woman from this area who married a man and followed him South. She wanted to come back
home, so she left her husband and moved back. He was transformed into Mt. Baker. Her three
sons stayed with their father and were transformed into Mt. Shasta, Mt. Hood and Mt. Rainer.
She took her three daughters and her dog and came back here. When she arrived, she was
transformed into Cheam Mountain and given the responsibility to watch over the river, the
people, and the salmon. Her two older daughters, Se’yewo’t and O’yewot, were transformed into
small mountain peaks right in front of her and her youngest daughter, Xomo’:th’iya was
transformed into a small mountain just below. Xomo’:th’iya is always crying, she is crying
because she is down low and can’t see that well, while her two sisters are up higher and can
see everything, so that is why she is always crying. Her tears make the waterfall known as
Anderson Creek Falls. Lhílheqey told her dog to go home but he would not listen so he was
transformed into sqwema’:y and is located right behind her.”, as told by Albert (Sonny) McHalsie
(Naxaxalhts'i).

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FIGURE 1-2 TÍT TERRITORY

1.4 Shxw’ōwhámel
Shxw’ōwhámel members reside along the Fraser River within Tít Territory. Shxw’ōwhámel
means the place where “the river levels and widens” in Halq’eméylem and refers to the reduced
elevation of the area compared to the Fraser Canyon and the widening of the river West of
Hope. Along the foreshore of the Fraser River, along the Lorenzetto Creek, and at the base of
the rocky bluffs, there is evidence of the longhouse and pit-house village sites (Naxaxalhts’i,
2014). Late Agnes Kelly explained that the long house sites next to the river were used in the
summer months, and that during cold weather people moved to the pit-houses. The pit-houses
at the base of the bluff also served as protection from the coastal raiders (Naxaxalhts’i,
2014). Shxw’ōwhámel Indian Reserves include Kuthlalth 3, Wahleach Island 2 on the north side
of the Fraser River, and Ohamil 1 on the south side of the River. The focus of this report is on
the Ohamil 1 reserve.
Shxw’ōwhámel archaeological site (DiRj-30) was first reported in 1949 by Wilson Duff. The site
is located on Ohamil IR 1 on the south bank of the Fraser River. At the time, it was believed to
be related to oral histories of a village established in the vicinity of Hunter Creek for peoples
displaced from the Agassiz area following the 1782 smallpox epidemic. According to interviews
by Oliver Wells (1987:62), Mrs. August Jim was born1871 in a village at Shxw’ōwhámel whose
location matches the description of this site.

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The site is located between the Fraser River and the mountains on the bank of two slough
channels, and consists of a linear arrangement of 17-18 housepits. The housepits are generally
square or rectangular in shape with no prominent rims and a depth greater than 1 m. Most
housepits are 7-9 m in length, but two are larger, at 9-11 m in length and five are smaller, at 5-7
m in length. In addition to the housepits, numerous earthwork features have been identified,
including 18 earthen mound features and 3 linear trench features. The mounds range from 0.3
m to 1.3 m in height, and between 1.5 m and 4.8 m across, and are presumed to include burial
mounds.
Shxw’ōwhámel (DiRj-30) has undergone limited subsurface archaeological testing. Artifacts
observed by Duff at the site include a slate knife, chipped point, scraper, flakes, and nephrite
boulder. Subsurface testing for the Fraser Valley Archaeology Project (FVAP; Lepofsky et al.,
2003, Schaepe et al., 2006) produced six radiocarbon dates placing the site occupation at
between 2330 and 1300 BP. These dates are supported by the presence of burial mounds,
which generally date to 1500-1800 BP, and ground slate knives, which are generally younger
than 2400 BP. These dates would suggest that DiRj-30 is not the post-smallpox village
described in the oral histories.
The site has been subject to disturbance from past developments, in particular the Trans
Mountain Pipeline, which cuts through the southern portion of the site. Numerous features,
including housepits and burial mounds, were likely destroyed during pipeline construction and
right-of-way clearing. Lepofsky et al. (2003:23) noted that “clearly the right-of-way destroyed
mounds” (and pithouses per Mohs’ site form).
Schaepe et al. (2006:55) describe DiRj-30 as “one of the earliest large scale settlements in the
Region.” Oakes (2000) describes the site as “one of the few large, and well-preserved housepit
villages in the area” that is “very significant and worthy of protection and further investigation.”

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FIGURE 1-3 SHXW’ŌWHÁMEL INDIAN BAND – OHAMIL 1 AND SURROUNDINGS.

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2

Methodological Framework

This section describes the methods used to assess cultural change and describes the basic
concepts in which the study is grounded. Definitions of Stó:lō culture and heritage, applied in
this project, are set out in the Stó:lō Heritage Policy Manual (Stó:lō Nation 2003 v1.1). Models
and theories presented in this section have been adapted from previous work carried out by the
Human Environment Group (2009, 2014) and Schaepe et al (2004, 2009, 2014). This
framework provides a foundation for assessing potential impacts on Stó:lō culture and heritage
as set out in the Sections below.
2.1 Theoretical Approach
The theoretical approach providing the foundation for the study suggests that it is modifications
of the physical and social environment by an external agent (industry) that forces a community
to modify the way traditional activities are carried out. This affects traditional values and impacts
the meanings and cultural tools used and associated with those activities. This creates a cycle
that can result in rapid cultural change and the potential loss of cultural heritage. The theoretical
framework is based on principles of symbolic interaction, interactionism, wherein human
interaction with others, with nature, and with general objects is directly related to the personal
meaning or value and attachment for that object or person (Blumer, 1969). For the purposes of
the study, activities were identified and used as tangible elements that reflect cultural values
and meaning. As such the Stó:lō Cultural Model (presented in Section 2.3) provided the
theoretical framework for assessing potential TMEP effect on a number of activities. “Activities”
are simply the things we do in our daily lives that may be modified over time as a result of
technological change, environmental changes, or external pressures. This makes them a useful
surrogate for culture within the context of an impact assessment. The following report
considered potential TMEP impacts to the following Activities:
 Fishing
 Spiritual Activities
 Gathering of Plants
 Travel Corridors
 Settlements
 Hunting and Trapping
 Community-based Programs
 Socio-Economic well-being
These activities characterized the Stó:lō “way of life” in the past and in modern times. These
activities also play a critical role in developing and maintaining the core values that support
Stó:lō culture.

Forces affecting
traditional
activities

Traditional
activities
foundational
values

Changing
values affecting
culture.

Previously held interviews with Shxw’ōwhámel Elders, and community members were
foundational to the report in understanding the impacts of large-scale linear developments, their
cumulative effects, the historical and present-day standard of living, and cultural practices. All of
which have been impacted as a result of previous developments; governmental policy changes;
and previous infringements and events that have altered the village site and traditional use
territory as well.

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2.2 Methodological Approach
To assess community interests related to Infrastructure and Services, Employment and
Economy, Health, Social and Cultural Well-being, Human Occupancy and Resource Use this
report will focus on the community of Shxw’ōwhámel Indian Band (Shxw’ōwhámel) and its
surrounding Tít Tribal Territory.
Quantitative, qualitative and archaeological assessments focus on the Project footprint within Tít
Territory (Figure 3-2) and more specifically, traditional land use areas around Ohamil reserve
(Figure 3-3). A combination of interviews, field studies and research provided community
perspectives to prioritize and attempt to establish a Stó:lō worldview and epistemology to
provide a fundamental framework to how Shxw’ōwhámel Indian Band (Shxw’ōwhámel)
community members felt their culture would be affected by the proposed TMEP.
The Stó:lō Cultural Model, developed for previous and ongoing impact assessment of the TMEP
(ICA, 2014) portrays aspects of Shxw’ōwhámel’s culture that have been somewhat fractured or
under great pressure as a result of past and on-going developments and policy, through from
the lens of the Stó:lō worldview.
2.3 Stó:lō Cultural Model
The Stó:lō Cultural Model (Figure 2-1), which was developed to help portray the relationship
between cultural activities and the state of Stó:lō culture, is based on societal relations and
dynamics: the core is the with key societal cultural elements and points of relation (Values)
informing cultural practices and expressions (Cultural Activities).

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FIGURE 2-1 STÓ:LŌ CULTURAL MODEL

Each “value” is grounded in various “components” of culture, which help to define the way
people experience culture. Each of the values presented in the model is briefly explained in
table 2-1 below.
TABLE 2-1 EXPLANATION OF CULTURAL COMPONENTS, ASSOCIATED VALUES, AND HALQ’EMÉYLEM
ASSOCIATED WORDS AND MEANINGS

Cultural
Component
Sxexó:mes
The values are
rooted in this
Cultural
Component
because they
are naturally
founded on the
continuous
development
of selfknowledge

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Values
English
Tradition

– Values – Halq’eméylem
xwelmexwqel – our way
íwes – teach how to do something, teach, guide, direct, show
S’iwesá:ylhem – teachings for children
Hákw’eles – to remember
Sátelhtset sxwōxwiyá:m – to pass it to (him/her) legend,
story of transformer
Shxwtelí – where you come from
S'xweta:s selh tset te mekw' stam - "the way we were with
everything"
Syiwí:l – spirit power

Cultural
Component

Tomiyeqw
The following
values are
related
primarily to
social
interaction

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Values
– Values – Halq’eméylem
English
óyó:lwethet – be totally independent, doing the best one can
Self-reliance
lhxeylexlómet – stand up by oneself
Stélmel – someone’s own knowledge, someone’s own idea
Télmel – the mind, someone’s own knowledge
Schewót – smart, knows how, good at it
Iyálewet – do it, do it oneself, do something oneself.
Mestíyexw – conscience, spirit (which can be
losttemporarily), soul, life-spirit, power of one’s will
q'á:l – to believe
Selfdetermination
sxaxesélmet – determination.
sxáxas – (be) determined. got your mind made up
xasélmet – determined (about something). have to do it
got to do it
Tíméthet – exert oneself, make a big effort, do with all
one’s might, do as hard as possible, do it harder
Thkw’éthet – pull oneself up. straighten (oneself) up
Eyémstexw – make it strong, make him/her/them strong
Sp’éqw – (be) proud)
Pride
Smá:leth’el – (lots of people are) proud. (many are) proud
Smámth’el – be a little bit proud, a little proud
Siyá:m – Chief, Leader, respected person, boss, rich, dear
Leadership
xwiléxmet – stand up for someone (respected)
smelá:lh – respected person (high class person)
Sqwelqwel – true news, family history
Selfrepresentation Telómelthet – acknowledge oneself
Lheq’elóme – know oneself, be confident
Xólhmet te mekw' stam s'i:wes te selsila:lh chet. "Take care
Responsibility
of everything our great grandparents taught (showed) us."
Haqles chexw xwelmi:ay staxwelh - "remember the future
generations"
Xaxa stexw te selsila:lh te skwixw - "respect your ancestors’
name"
lhlímelh – it is us, we are the ones, we ourselves
Cohesion/
Bonding
talhlímelh – we, us
s’ólh – ours, our (emphatic)
sq’eq’ó – along, together, be included with
q’élmet – believe, trust someone
Q’óleq – pal, best friend, dear friend, chum
The’íttel – (be) true to one another

Cultural
Component

Values
English
Reciprocity/
Sharing

– Values – Halq’eméylem

Caring

Snoweyelh
Shxwelí
The following
values are
related to the
relationship
between the
culture and the
natural
environment
and the deep
relationship
with the land.

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Rootedness

Rhythm
Nature
Respect

of

áxwest – give an equal share or amount to someone, give
(food) to someone, share with someone
tl’émexw – part (portion)
Ma:mt' lam te mekw wat - "share with everybody"
Shxw'eywelh mestiyexw - "a generous person"
q’élq’xetel – to return it, give it back
kweléqelhst – distribute to someone
q’élsteuw – give it back, return it
Meqw wat memeylhtel - "everybody help one another"
shxwlístexw – care about someone/something
xó:lhmethet – taking care of oneself
xóxelhmet – looking after/taking care of someone
momíyelhtel – helping on another
xólhmet – look after someone, protect someone, take
care of someone
Sts’its’exwtel – be considerate of each other
Slíq’ – to be ever generous
Lexw’éy – generous, kind, good hearted, good-natured
Máyx – help someone, defend someone, protect
someone, aid someone
Xwe’éy:welh – good, kind hearted, kind, generous,
helpful, easy going, good-natured
S’ólh Téméxw te íkw’elò - This is our Land
Xólhmet te mekw stám ít kwelát - We have to take care of
everything that belongs to us.
Íkw’eló – here, this place
Xaxastexw te mekw' stam - "respect for all things"
S'xweta:s selh tset te mekw' stam - "the way we were with
everything"
S’í:sí Téméxw – Sacred Land
Shxwlístexw Téméxw – to care of the land
Ewe chexw qelqelilt te mekw' stam loy qw'esli hokwex yexw
lamexw ku:t. - "Don't ruin (waste, destroy) everything, just
take what you need."

Cultural
Component
Sxwōxwiyá:m
Shxwelí
These values
are related to
the connection
with ancestors
and the
spiritual world;
they are
concerned with
something
beyond the
boundaries of
one’s own life
– transcending
the physical
world.

Values
English
Peace

– Values – Halq’eméylem

Patience
Connectedness

líqwel – (get) calm, (become) calm, peaceful
xwoyíwél – be happy, being happy
Wiyóth kwsu éys te sqwálewels te lólets’e – optimist, a
person whose thoughts are always good
tl'épstexw ta’sqwálewel – be patient
lets’emó:t - one mind
lets’e thale – one heart
q’ó:thet – join (include oneself purposely)
st’at’á – being similar
stetís – be near, be close to, be beside, be next to

As illustrated in Table 2-2, the Stó:lō Cultural Model uses different line types to help illustrate the
strength of linkages between cultural activities and values.
TABLE 2-2 LEGEND FOR CULTURAL MODEL AND CULTURAL VALUE TABLES

Legend

Line used on Changes
in
cultural model
value linkages

Strong direct link between activity and cultural value
Still a common activity, but there are fewer places to
carry outthe activity or fewer people carry out the
activity, thus the extent to which the value is instilled is
lessened
Only very few people carry out the activity or there are
very few places to carry out this activity, severely
diminishing the opportunity to instil this value
The following figures (Figure 2-2 and 2-3) summarize historical and contemporary linkages
between cultural activities and the cultural values instilled traditionally. As illustrated, outside
influences, such as government policy, urban expansion, and industrial development (mining,
forestry, hydro development, and infrastructure projects – transmission lines, roadways,
pipelines and rail lines) have affected culture over time. Present links between cultural activities
and the values associated with those activities have been affected, resulting in some aspects of
Stó:lō culture being threatened. Any TMEP-related effect that has the potential to further stress
or erode the existing linkages to cultural values has the potential to cause a significant adverse
effect to Stó:lō culture.

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FIGURE 2-2 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH HISTORIC ACTIVITIES

Strong direct link between activity and cultural value
Still common activity, but there are fewer places to carry out activity or fewer people
carry out the activity, thus the extent to which the value is instilled is lessened
Only very few people carry out activity or very few places to carry out this activity
severely diminishing the opportunity to instil this value

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FIGURE 2-3 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH CONTEMPORARY ACTIVITIES

2.3.1 Impact Rating Criteria
The preferred impact rating method allows community leadership to track individual effects, but
also to compare the magnitude of different effects across different areas of interest (i.e.
compounding effects to cultural values stemming from distinct impacts to water quality, spiritual
sites, etc.). For this reason, the Stó:lō model will portray TMEP impacts using different line types
and colours. These diagrams provide an effective and efficient way of summarizing the findings.
The impact assessment takes into consideration the following:
1. The likelihood of the project to have a direct impact, for example the clearing of, shrubs,
flora, for the right of way– likely, potentially, not likely
2. The duration of that impact – short-term, long-term, temporary, permanent, i.e. removal
of trees permanently along Right of Way
3. How the impact will affect culture, spirituality, and overall health (physical, social,
psychological, spiritual) of the community members through a socio-cultural lens of
impacts and thresholds
4. The implications of the impact in relation to other cumulative impacts already affecting
culture, spirituality and health, through a perspective of cumulative effects and change
resulting in lost cultural linkages.
Once the findings have been applied to the model, different colours are used to help illustrate
how these linkages may be affected by the TMEP. Table 2-3 summarizes the colour coding
system.
TABLE 2-3 COLOUR LEGEND FOR CULTURAL MODEL AND CULTURAL VALUE TABLES

Colour Code
Red
Yellow

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Lines used on cultural model

Predicted impact level
High/Significant adverse impact
Moderate/Significant adverse impact

3

Fishing

3.1 Historic Fishing Practices
Within Stó:lō culture, there is a deep connection, relationship, and biological tie to salmon,
sturgeon, and other aquatic species. Stó:lō cultural, economic, political, and traditional elements
are inherently tied to fishing. Historic fishing practices, including catching and processing fish,
involved many types of methods, tools, and activities, such as set nets, torch lighting, dip
netting, drift netting, and wind drying.
Within the worldview of Stó:lō everything is connected to benefit the health (Shxwelí) of the
individual and the collective. Within this view, fish and aquatic life, wildlife, birds, vegetation, air,
and water are all interconnected with ancestors, people, and for and to the benefit of one
another. Water quality is a core factor in the relationship between the people, fish, fish habitat
and the land and air. The identity of Stó:lō is connected to fish, rivers, and creeks, the aquatic
habitat, and relations to the land and ancestors. Stó:lō people fished according to the seasons,
nature’s rhythms, and tradition and customs. They learned laws of inheritance, management
and conservation, and values of responsibility, leadership, pride, caring and tradition within the
customary teachings and practices relating to fish.
As Figure 3-1 illustrates, historic fishing practices were associated with all the core cultural
values associated with Stó:lō culture.

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FIGURE 3-1 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH HISTORIC FISHING ACTIVITIES

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer people
to carry it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out this
activity
3.2 Contemporary Fishing Practices
Fishing today is an integral cultural practice as it was in the past. The food, social, ceremonial
and economic spheres of Stó:lō culture and traditions form their identity. The reliance on fish,
specifically salmon, is more than one of sustenance, but on the ancestral relations and
spirituality of the individual and collective of Stó:lō. The protection of fish and fish habitat
continues to be critically important to Stó:lō traditions, cultural relations, spiritual activities, and
identity. Contemporary fishing practices have been affected by land use decisions and
government policies related to land and fisheries throughout S’ólh Téméxw., Stó:lō fisherman
continue to harvest various species of fish for themselves and for distribution among the Stó:lō
communities. Land privatization, destruction of fishing sites, and reduced access have affected
where and when fishing occurs today.
Given the high degree of connectedness between Stó:lō, fish and fish habitat, it is clear that
every Stó:lō person relies on fish and fish habitat, particularly the Fraser River and the streams
and creeks that feed it. The Trans Mountain Pipeline proposes to cross many of the waterways

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upon which Stó:lō fishers rely. Within S’ólh Téméxw, the TMEP proposes to cross 131
waterbodies. According to the Environmental Biophysical Assessment (TMEP Facilities
Application, Volume 5A, Section 5.7.5) 59 of the waterbodies are designated as fish bearing,
with only 31 of those classified as “sensitive” fish bearing.
Figures in Appendix 14.5 illustrates areas along these waterways that are associated with
contemporary fishing activities. The waterways crossed by the TMEP support 11 segments
associated with drift netting, 3 major areas associated with beach seining and 140 known sites
associated with set net, of which three are owned by Shxw’ōwhámel families.
As Figure 4-2 illustrates, fishing continues to be linked with all the core cultural values
associated with Stó:lō culture, but in some cases these linkages have weakened. Clearly, the
construction and operation of TMEP will weaken these linkages further, adversely affecting
these cultural values and activities.

FIGURE 3-2 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH CONTEMPORARY FISHING ACTIVITIES

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer people
to carry it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out this
activity

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3.2.1 Traditional Waterways and Potential Impacts
The Fraser River watershed is a complex system that relies on back channels, wetlands,
groundwater, and riparian vegetation to maintain its health and vitality. Each of these
components play a vital role in protecting and maintaining the health of the river, fish and fish
habitat, whether through capturing debris and sediment, reducing flood impacts and bank
washout, stabilizing banks, creating a cooling system, or purifying the water of contaminants.
There is great concern that the construction of watercourse crossings will affect riparian areas
and fish habitat by changing the water quality and temperature, changing the channel
morphology, withdrawing and releasing water; and removing riparian vegetation and dredging.
Given the variation in seasonal flows, and the impacts of weather on the diurnal flows, there is
concern with flooding, debris flows, and mudslides as a result of construction within
watercourses in the area. The area is currently inundated with annual mudslides and debris
flows. Community members are aware that construction of the TMEP may increase the
likelihood of such events. Another concern is that the high water levels, annual flooding,
mudslides, and debris flows, will increase the likelihood for scouring, which in turn could expose
the pipeline, damage valves, increase the potential for leaks or spills, and decrease the ability to
access the area to repair any such damage.
Riparian vegetation removal, dredging, and trenching during construction raises concern over
increased erosion and changes to fish habitat within waterways. Most streams and creeks within
the area have not yet been compromised by rip/rap or other armouring, which have negatively
impacted Stó:lō fishers elsewhere along the river by permanently altering fish and fish habitat
and accessibility to fishing sites.
3.2.2 Access to waterways
As previously stated, linear construction projects have had an adverse impact on the
accessibility of fishing sites. Key staging areas for the local fishers include:
 Wahleach Slough
 Shxw’ōwhámel - Bulger Road
 Hope Bridge
With construction occurring during the fishing season, and with remediation impacts, fishers are
concerned there will be a loss of access to waterways, staging areas, and fishing sites, leading
to a loss of fish and impacting families and the community.
3.2.3 Loss of traditional Waterways due to oil spills
Those who fish are concerned about the potential for an oil spill and the effects it would have on
fishing activities, spiritual relations, cultural activities, and community health and well-being.
Water is an integral part of Stó:lō culture and heritage, as Stó:lō (people of the river) rely on
good water quality for many of their spiritual and cultural activities, and understand the
importance of water quality (pH levels, turbidity, dissolved oxygen levels, temperature, and
purity) for fish and fish habitat. There is a high degree of anxiety regarding the impacts on
waterways with over 130 waterways, 55 wetlands and six aquifers potentially being crossed by
the proposed TMEP. Waterways (rivers, streams, creeks, wetlands) provide critical habitat
elements for fish and traditional plants harvested by Stó:lō people, as well as Stl’áleqem and
S’ó:lmexw (Schaepe et al. 2004). An oil spill within S’ólh Téméxw would cause significant
adverse, and potentially irreparable, effects to waterways and the associated fisheries that are
already severely limited by development and DFO regulations.
Sturgeon is known to reside in and traverse the Fraser River and its tributaries. There is a
strong ancestral tie to and transformation story of the Tít Tribe with sturgeon (see Appendix
14.2). Community members are concerned there will be an adverse impact on sturgeon,
specifically around the Shxw’ōwhámel and Peters Reserve areas, where they are known to

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spawn, feed, and move. The sturgeon would be adversely impacted by an oil spill, particularly
crude oil loss and bitumen sinking, given that they nestle along the bottom of the River where
they eat and store food.
3.2.4 Integrity of fishing sites and cultural effects
Traditional fishing is much more to Stó:lō people than a means of providing food. Contemporary
fishing excursions provide meaningful opportunities to teach traditional methods, and share
knowledge and the stories about the waterways in and around S’ólh Téméxw. This not only
passes on an understanding of Sxwōxwiyá:m, but provides context for place names, traditional
property rights/laws, and customary laws of inheritance and encourages use of the
Halq’eméylem language. In these ways, fishing continues to be the most fundamental vehicle
for instilling cultural values. Any damage to traditional waterways has the potential to limit further
opportunities for fishers to learn traditional skills and cultural teachings from their elders.
Reduced fish populations or fish health due to construction activity or a TMEP
accident/malfunction will negatively affect opportunities for sharing knowledge on the rivers, and
seriously impact the spiritual and cultural ceremonies of Stó:lō as salmon, the most abundant
fish within the Fraser River, play an integral role in historic and contemporary traditions.
During construction, noise, additional traffic and increased activity along access routes and near
traditional waterways, and cultural sites have the potential to affect the integrity of traditional
fishing areas. TMEP clearing will affect several cultural landscape features associated with
Sxwōxwiyá:m and Sqwélqwel, and adversely affect the integrity of some cultural sites as well as
opportunities to share traditional skills and knowledge. Some of these affected areas are within
view of traditional fishing areas and access routes. These impacts will have a long term effect
on the integrity of traditional waterways and the physical, psychological, and spiritual health
(Shxwelí) of Stó:lō people. Impacts on Sxwōxwiyá:m and Sqwélqwel are discussed more in
Section 4.
3.2.5 Fishing Impact Assessment
The propensity for adverse change within the lower Fraser River watershed directly impacts the
socio-economic, cultural, and spiritual health of the Stó:lō. A minute change in the water quality,
flows, channel morphology, or riparian vegetation has the potential for long-term impacts on fish
and fish habitat. An oil spill, particularly if diluted bitumen, would devastate the watershed, fish
and fish habitat, riparian vegetation, soils, and, consequently, Stó:lō people.
“A spill would affect everyone and would kill all the fish.” Community member, 2015
“A spill in Burnaby, near the ocean, or anywhere down river, will impact us and the
people up the river as well, because the fish wouldn’t be able to get through it, they
wouldn’t swim through it, so they would not come up the River.” Community member,
2015.
According to data collected during the Traditional Land Use study conducted by Firelight Group
(2015) and documented information housed at Stó:lō Research and Resource Management
Centre – Stó:lō Heritage Database) there are over 273 fishing sites that may be impacted (see
Table 3-1).
TABLE 3-1 NUMBER OF DOCUMENTED FISHING SITES WITHIN 2KM OF TRANS MOUNTAIN PIPELINE CORRIDOR IN
TÍT TERRITORY.

Description

Total # within 2km of pipeline corridor

Fishing Sites

273

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TABLE 3-2 RATING CRITERIA FOR TMEP IMPACT ASSESSMENT

Impact Assessment

Likelihood Scale 1-5
Duration of the impact

Impact on:
Health (physical,
psychological, spiritual)
1-5
Implications of the
impact in consideration
of cumulative

Rating

Level - Rationale
red/
yellow
4
Red
Continued encroachment, regulations and
development
consistently threatens the
Long-term/ Red
ability
of
Shxw’ōwhámel
anglers to fish,
temp and
either recreationally or commercially. With
permanent
the crossings of streams, creeks, and the
noise from construction, fish and fish
5
Red
habitat will be impacted adversely. Access
by community fishers is already limited; any
construction during fishing season will
reduce the ability for community members
High
Red
to access fishing spots. Stó:lō rely on fish
throughout the year, for food/sustenance,
economics, and for spiritual practices and
ceremonies that occur throughout the year.
High levels of stress and anxiety already
impact the anglers of Shxw’ōwhámel Band
as fishing opens are cutback, development
continues
encroaching, and the Fraser River biology
changes with contamination from
development, dredging, and other activities.

Figure 3-3 shows the findings of the impact assessment of the Trans Mountain Expansion
Project for fishing activities.

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FIGURE 3-3 IMPACTS OF TRANS MOUNTAIN EXPANSION PROJECT ON FISHING ACTIVITIES

High/Significant adverse impact
Moderate/Significant adverse impact

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4

Spiritual Activities

Stó:lō worldview is grounded in the understanding of a link between all things tangible and
intangible, whether earth, water, or air-bound with, their ancestors, transformations, laws, and
spirituality. The law of Xa:ls is written in the landscape, and taught through song, sxwōxwiyá:m,
tradition, ceremonies, language, and practice. Stó:lō spirituality is practiced every day in the
forms of gratitude, respect, and learning. Their rich ceremonies, traditions, and practices are the
foundations for their shxwelí, and are what connect the Stó:lō to their brothers and sisters within
the Coast Salish territory. Their interconnectedness with living and past relations, and
ancestors, is strong and to do harm to one is to do harm to all. To help with this understanding a
number of spiritual activities have been identified, including Syúwél/Smilha, Sxwó:yxwey,
Regalia placement, Cleansing/Bathing, and Fasting/sweat ceremony/burning for ancestors.
4.1 Historic Role of Spiritual Activities
Spirituality is critically important to Stó:lō culture as it establishes, retains, and strengthens
bonds that are central to individual and collective relations with the land and resources of S’ólh
Téméxw. Shxwelí is the core relation between people and their natural and spiritual
environments. Spiritual activities were an essential part of Stó:lō cultural practices that were
incorporated within a society that integrated political, economic, and spiritual beliefs. As Figure
4-1 illustrates, spiritual activities have historically been associated with all the Stó:lō core
cultural values.

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FIGURE 4-4-1 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH HISTORIC SPIRITUAL ACTIVITIES

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer
people to carry it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out
this activity
4.2 Contemporary Role of Spiritual Activities
Spiritual activities continue to be critical in all aspects of Stó:lō life, worldview, and they create a
sense of pride, purpose, belonging, health, education, continuity, and cohesion (Figure 4-2). All
spiritual activities carried out by the Stó:lō people rely on the environment, land, air, water, and
all the resources thereupon.
All aspects of life for Stó:lō are spiritual, as learned through the teachings of Xexá:ls, and the
ancestors, which is knowns as the worldview. The worldview is the way to ensure that Stó:lō are
always connected to the teachings and, therefore, to the Creator and their ancestors.
The constant fragmentation of land in Tít Territory due to development and encroachments
along waters from roads, trails, recreation and other development types continues to fracture,
degrade and infringe on cultural sites (Mohs, 1987; Schaepe et al 2004; Thom, 2005). For
example, several bathing sites in Wahleach were lost and, as a result of recreational hiking and
bicycle paths, more have lost their isolation and privacy. Of significance is the loss of over 199
streams and Sumas Lake, in S’ólh Téméxw, which had a powerful connection to Stó:lō and
Coast Salish spirituality. Additionally, residential schools, policies and laws banning spiritual and

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traditional practices, such as spirit dances and stl’e’áleq (potlatches) in the Bighouse, and
unchecked development have strained the relationship of Stó:lō to their identity, traditional
knowledge, and spirituality. (Labun and Emblen, 2007). The loss of language, sxwōxwiyá:m and
sqwélqwel teachings by those Stó:lō in residential school created a generational divide of
teaching, resulting in a loss of understanding and knowledge of transformation stories, ancestry,
and histories.
For Stó:lō, this was especially damaging for in Stó:lō culture, as each person has a place, a
role, a special understanding within the world; each person has a gift, and understanding and
acknowledging these gifts, roles, and places is to be thankful and grateful to the Spirit. This
knowledge creates a balance between nature, physical and psychological health, in
relationships between and among each other, between people and the environment, and
between health and all these things. Figure 4-2 shows the impact developments, policies, laws,
and residential schools have had in weakening the ties of spiritual activities to the teachings of
values, traditions, and knowledge among Stó:lō. It is important to note, however, that there is a
strong revitalization and sense of awareness of the cultural and spiritual ceremonies, and
traditions that enhance Stó:lō spirituality, and health, and enrich the culture.
Animals, fish, and places hold spiritual importance to Stó:lō people. Three key examples are the
eagle, sturgeon, and several archeological areas in close proximity to the pipeline. The Eagle is
of special concern for Shxw’ōwhámel members as it is of great spiritual and cultural
significance. The Eagle, the messenger for prayers to and from the Creator, shows great
courage, strength and vision, all of which are important to the culture. The “master of skies” is
the creature with the strongest and most powerful connection and relationship with the creator,
often travelling between the physical and spiritual world. The Eagle is a symbol of focus,
strength, peace, leadership and prestige. Its wings represent balance and the inter-connectivity
between females and males, and the copacetic relationship they must have. Its feathers are
used for shamanic practices and ceremonies, and can only be worn by those how have earned
the right to do so, such as strong and successful warriors. The feather is a symbol of strength,
and honesty; its vane symbolizes the individual’s life path, with the barbs reminding the
individual of where to choose their path and that each choice impacts their life-path. The down
of the Eagle symbolizes welcoming and friendship to visitors and is often used in ceremonies.
Shxw’ōwhámel have a spiritual connection to sturgeon, as the sturgeon is one of their ancestors
(see Appendix 14.2). The sturgeon was a man, turned to a sturgeon by Chichelh Siyá:m. The
sturgeon is not just a food source, but is a part of the spiritual health of Shxw’ōwhámel people
because of its connection to their ancestor. Sturgeon are, a part of their connection, their
Shxwelí, their name, their land ownership and rights (Carlson, 2007; Naxaxalhts’I, 2007).
Shxw’ōwhámel people are also spiritually connected to Kawakawa Lake and Skawtets, where
the Sxwó:yxwey mask and dance originated (See Appendix 14.3). From here, the mask
travelled through ancestral relations and kinship ties throughout Coast Salish Territory. The
name continues to be held by Stó:lō people and will continue for generations. The mask is
linked to Shxw’ōwhámel ancestors, and through the origination story and the passing of the
mask and name accordingly. Finally, Uwqw’iles (Owqw’éyles) or the Restmore Caves, DiRj T1988-2, are of spiritual importance to Stó:lō being as an isolation residence, legend of
Transformer, Xa:ls, and a resting place of ancestors who passed as a result of a flood (See
Appendix 14.1). Archeological investigation of the caves over the years has found many Stó:lō
related artifacts, including knives, basalt flakes, and ground salt.

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FIGURE 4-2 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH CONTEMPORARY SPIRITUAL ACTIVITIES

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer
people to carry it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out this
activity
Syúwél-related ‘Bighouses’ occur in S’ólh Téméxw, however no Bighouse is located on Ohamil
1 reserve. Living a culturally connected life requires access and participation in the bighouse
ceremonies. Without one on reserve, it is necessary for community members to travel outside of
their community to other communities to participate in Bighouse ceremonies and events.
A Cultural Heritage Overview Impact Assessment (CHOIA) was completed by Stó:lō Research
and Resource Management Center (SRRMC). This CHOIA considers potential Trans Mountain
Expansion Project effects to a number of cultural features related to spiritual activities including:




Sxwōxwiyá:m /Cultural Landscape Features
Place Names
Spiritual Use Areas

In a previous study, over 550 cultural heritage sites were documented within the TMEP project
footprint and in S’ólh Téméxw (ICA, 2014). According to additional information gathered during
a Traditional Land Use study (Firelight, 2015) and data collected prior to and during the

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Integrated Cultural Assessment study, there are 271 cultural sites and spiritual practice sites
located within 2km of the pipeline corridor within the boundaries of Tít Territory (see Table 4-1).
Cultural heritage areas, specifically spiritual-use areas, are required to be pristine, without
contamination, encroachment, or trespass (ICA, 2014). They are chosen for their environmental
health and privacy that provide the natural environment necessary to carry out spiritual practices
and ceremonies. Access to resources for cultural, ceremonial, and spiritual activities is
necessary, and the environment in which those resources (cedar buds, roots, boughs, cedar
poles, bark, feathers, fur and other resources) are found needs to be in as pristine and natural a
state as possible. Moreover, these harvesting areas, quite often, are generational sites or sites
linked to ancestors and the needs of ancestors.
The inherent interconnectedness of activities such as fishing, hunting, and gathering with
terrestrial and aquatic landscapes is undeniable. The ties of these activities to the various
landscape features and beings (e.g., Stl’áleqem; s’olmelh) are strong, and many of the spiritual
practices could not continue without the protection of them.
4.3 Impact Assessment Spiritual Activities
Construction, right of way clearing, and water crossings, are disconcerting to community
members, who fear that these activities will adversely affect cultural sites and the environment.
The specific sites, listed in Table 4-1 inventory the sites that are affected by the clearing for the
proposed TMEP. Additionally, community members raised concern regarding oil spills and
contamination of waterways, lands, viewscapes, plants, and animals, in particular salmon,
sturgeon, and eagles. To adversely impact the natural environment, or create disturbances near
spiritual sites and cultural sites is to adversely impact the community. The adverse impacts
would reduce opportunities for community members to practice their spiritual rites, ceremonies,
and all related activities, such as gathering, fishing, reducing their spiritual connection to one
another, to their ancestors, and to their culture.
TMEP-related noise, interruption, intrusion, and trespass, should be investigated as part of
Trans Mountain’s impacts assessment, as these construction activities may impact spiritual
activities, such as fasting, praying, bathing/singing, and may interrupt ceremonial gatherings,
such as namings, wakes, and other Big House ceremonies relating to First Salmon Ceremony,
Syúwél, and Sxwó:yxwey.
4.3.1 Cultural-Heritage Assessment
According to additional information gathered during a Traditional Land Use study (Firelight,
2015) and data collected prior to and during the Integrated Cultural Assessment study, there are
195 cultural sites and spiritual practice sites located within 2km of the pipeline corridor within the
boundaries of Tit Territory (KM 961-1045) (see Table 4-1).
TABLE 4-1 NUMBER OF DOCUMENTED CULTURAL SITES AND SPIRITUAL PRACTICE SITES WITHIN 2KM OF THE
TRANS MOUNTAIN PIPELINE EXPANSION CORRIDOR IN TÍT TERRITORY

Description
Spiritual Practice

Total # within 2km of pipeline corridor
195

Of particular importance to Shxw’ōwhámel is the impact of the TMEP on village and burial sites
located on Ohamil IR1 as outlined in the introduction. Right of Way clearing will affect Eagle
nesting areas, pathways, and migration. Water crossings will affect sturgeon spawning areas,
food resources, and general habitat sites. Of significance is the potential impact from a spill
around include Kawkawa Lake (the origin of the Sxwó:yxwey mask, dance, and ancestor) which

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would affect the spiritual connection, and personal connections to Sxwó:yxwey ceremonies,
place, and ancestral names.
Table 4-2 lists how many contemporary cultural sites remain intact within 2km of and within
S’ólh Téméxw.
TABLE 4-2 KNOWN CULTURAL SITES ASSOCIATES WITH SPIRITUAL ACTIVITIES WITHIN THE STUDY AREA

Cultural Site

# within the study area w/in # within 2km
100m corridor edge
Sxwōxwiyá:m/Cultural Landscape Features
Xá:Xa (burial, Stl’áleqem, 10
132
Silhqey, Sxwó:yxwey) sites
Place Names
Recorded place names
19
45
Spiritual practice areas
# of areas
47
148
The cultural sites listed above displayed on Figures Appendix 14.5. The existing Kinder Morgan
pipeline contributes to the cumulative impacts currently affecting 27 cultural heritage sites,
including the heritage sites on and near Shxw’ōwhámel, such as Ohamil reserve, Restmore
caves (Appendix 14.1), Welqamex (Greenwood Island, Appendix 14.4), and Bridal Falls. .Of
significance is the fact that Ohamil reserve itself is an archeological site (DiRj 30) and has great
significance within local history, Stó:lō heritage and culture, and ancestry.
4.3.2 Archaeology Assessment
The context zone for this assessment consists of Ohamil I.R. 1. The provincial Remote Access
to Archaeological Data (RAAD) database displays three previously recorded archaeological
sites located within the context zone, including two lithic sites and one burial site (Table 4-3);
however, no previously recorded archaeological sites are documented within the Study Area.
TABLE 4-3 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN CONTEXT ZONE

Site Number
DiRj-19
DiRj-20

DiRj-30

Site Type
precontact surface lithics
precontact cultural depressions, earthwork mounds, and
surface lithics
postcontact culturally modified trees
precontact cultural depressions, earthwork mounds, and
surface lithics

Proximity
675 m NW
750 m NW

within

DiRj-19 is located on the south bank of the Fraser River. The site was recorded by von Krogh
in 1974 as a precontact lithics site.
DiRj-20 is located on the south bank of the Fraser River. The site was recorded by von Krogh
in 1974 and later revisited by Oakes (2000). The site consists of 4 housepit depressions, 7
cultural depressions of unknown function, 94 earthwork mounds, 2 post-contact culturally
modified trees, and surface lithics.
DiRj-30 is located on the south bank of the Fraser River adjacent the Trans Canada Highway.
The site was recorded by Duff in 1949 and later revisited for the Fraser Valley Archaeology
Project (Lepofsky et al. 2003, Schaepe et al. 2006). The site consists of 17-18 housepit

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depressions, 18 earthwork mound features, and 3 earthwork trench features. The site was
previously destroyed by the Trans Mountain Pipeline, which cuts through the southern portion of
the site and likely destroyed numerous features, including housepits and burial mounds.
TABLE 4-4 RATING CRITERIA FOR TMEP IMPACT ASSESSMENT

Impact Assessment

Likelihood Scale 1-5
Duration of the impact

Impact on:
Health (physical,
psychological, spiritual)
1-5
Implications of the
impact in consideration
of cumulative impacts.

Rating

Level - Rationale
red/
yellow
4
Red
A loss of eagles, Sxwóy:xwey connection;
sturgeon, fish, animals; creates a loss of
s-t, l-t; Red
spiritual connection to place.
temp.,
Spiritual activities are based on the
perm.
spirituality of the individual. However there
are many aspects to spirituality. Some are
4
Yellow*
connected to the natural environment, and
some of which are personal beliefs of the
individual and their understanding of
Med.
Yellow
spirituality.
Currently there is a resurgence of
ceremonies, Bighouse attendance, and
activities, all of which are put in a precarious
situations when there are impacts to access,
continuity, cohesion, and tradition.

Figure 4-3 shows the findings of the impact assessment of the Trans Mountain Expansion
Project for spiritual activities.

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FIGURE 4-3 POTENTIAL IMPACT OF TRANS MOUNTAIN EXPANSION PROJECT ON SPIRITUAL ACTIVITIES

High/Significant adverse impact
Moderate/Significant adverse impact

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5

Plant and Forest Product Harvesting (Gathering)

Gathering plant and timber materials for food, medicine, and ceremonial items continues today
for the community of Shxw’ōwhámel. Some important sub-categories, such as berry harvesting,
medicine plant gathering, and gathering of cedar roots, buds, bark, and wood have been used
as indicators of overall gathering practices and specific cultural and spiritual activities related
thereto
5.1 Historic Gathering Practices
Gathering is connected to land use, mobility, community and kinship relations, ancestry, and
connectivity with the natural environment. In the past, gathering linked society, ceremony,
economy, spirituality and politics (Schaepe et al., 2004). Gathering was tied to tradition;
connectivity of ancestors; cohesion among family; keen awareness of the rhythm of nature;
responsibility for the plants and Stó:lō community health, and connection and caring among and
between families, villages, and tribes (Washbrook, 1995). Gathering linked seasonality and
broad-based use of the landscape (Lyons, 1996), and connecting systems of governance
associated with ancestral names, access rights and privileges; and identities (Carlson et al.,
2001; Duff, 1952; Suttles, 1987). Gathering created opportunities to see family and friends from
neighbouring tribes and nations as it took community members to an area where they would
meet Interior First Nations and tribes. Following the stops of the Kettle Valley Railroad,
community members would gather up the Fraser River as far east as the Coquihalla Summit,
and sometimes even further east. This created an opportunity to gather in dense forest areas,
and to remain connected to kin and ancestors. As Figure 5-1 illustrates, historical gathering
practices were associated with many of the core values associated with Stó:lō culture.

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FIGURE 5-1 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH HISTORIC GATHERING ACTIVITIES

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer people
to carry it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out this
activity
5.2 Contemporary Gathering Practices
As cultural foundations and ceremonies have returned and are growing in strength and
momentum, gathering activities are increasingly more important. With continued encroachment
of lands, degradation of the environment, termination of the Kettle Valley Railway, and
increased development there is a great strain on gathering practices as Shxw’ōwhámel Band
members need to move further and further within and outside of their traditional territory to find
culturally and medicinally significant plants. Ceremonial gathering for cedar, cedar boughs, and
cedar buds, remain culturally significant and is carried out throughout the year. Old Growth and
secondary growth cedars are vital to the spiritual connection of members to their ancestors,
specifically Xepá:y, but there are few areas left in pristine condition suitable for gathering for
ceremonial or cultural needs.
As Figure 5-2 illustrates, gathering continues to be closely associated with a number of key
cultural values although some value linkages have weakened.

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FIGURE 5-2 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH CONTEMPORARY GATHERING ACTIVITIES

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer
people to carry it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out this
activity
Members of Shxw’ōwhámel Indian Band continue to gather forest products, berries, and
medicinal plants; too many to list and assess within the period of this particular assessment.
There are key areas of gathering including Cheam Mountain, Cheam wetlands, Coquihalla
Summit, and throughout the Skagit Mountains. However, wetlands and riparian vegetation are
also key growing sites of traditional plants that are of great importance to Shxw’ōwhámel Indian
Band health and well-being. Traditional harvesting areas are shown on figures included in the
Cultural Heritage Overview Impact Assessment (CHOIA) that was completed for this study (KM
961-1045), CHOIA). The CHOIA is provided in Appendix 14.5.
Timber
The TMEP Facilities Application Vegetation Technical Report (TMEP Facility Application,
Volume 5C, Section 5.9.1.4) stated that within the RSA, within the Hope to Burnaby segment,
the proposed pipeline will encounter seven legal OGMAs and no non-legal OGMAs. One legal
OGMA is crossed by the proposed pipeline corridor (pg. 5 - 164). However, the Managed
Forests Areas Technical Report (TMEP Facility Application, Volume 5D, Section 4.2.5),

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indicates that eight OGMAs will overlap the proposed pipeline corridor, four of which will be
directly affected, thereby requiring mitigation.
Wetlands and Riparian areas
Many important plants are harvested from riparian areas and wetlands. The TMEP will minimally
cross 131 waterways in S’ólh Téméxw (Facilities Application, Volume 5A, Section 5.7.5.6).
Based on the preliminary information presented in the Vegetation Technical Report (TMEP
Facility Application, Volume 5 C, Section 5.1, Table 5.1-4), the pipeline “within the Hope to
Burnaby segment will encounter 55 wetlands.”
In the Technical Update #2 – Wetland Overview - Wetlands of special Concern (A4A4E5), Trans
Mountain identified 8 basin shallow open water wetlands, 1 riparian shallow open water wetland,
22 basin marshes, 2 riparian marshes, 1 hummock marsh, 4 flat swamps, 1 slope swamp, 2
riparian swamps and 1 basin bog within S’ólh Téméxw. Within the traditional Tít Territory, Trans
Mountain highlights several wetland areas including: 3 open water ponds, 1 wet meadow, 2
shrubby swamps, and 1 emergent marsh. Of the seven wetlands, only 1 shrubby swamp was
listed as being of concern to Trans Mountain’s assessment. The shrubby swamp located at RK
1078.64 to 1078.90, is known to have Western Red Cedar, sword fern, and skunk cabbage
within the area and is listed by the Province of BC as S3-Blue. In contrast to Trans Mountain’s
assessment, there is concern by Shxw’ōwhámel Elders and community members regarding the
lack of attention paid to the other wetlands located within the Tít Territory. Stó:lō Elders have
recognized and shared the important role that open water ponds along the Fraser River
floodplain and along streams and creeks within the watershed play in providing an abundance
of natural amenities for fish and fish habitat, rooted plants, and in providing communities with
opportune plant harvesting. Wet meadows located within the Fraser River watershed have a
variety of important species that may not have been growing at the time the original
assessments were carried out by Trans Mountain due to the dormancy of the seedlings.
However, during flooding periods these plants regenerate and provide the surrounding
communities with medicinal, food, and ceremonial plants.
Wetlands act as a part of the larger ecosystem. They act as filters to the Fraser River, to play a
role in flood mitigation, and to provide habitat for plants and organic materials that are
necessary for the continued practice of plant harvesting and spiritual activities.
5.3 Gathering Impact Assessment
Shxw’ōwhámel members are concerned that the construction and operation of the TMEP would
further reduce the opportunities for traditional plant gathering by clearing native vegetation
areas, changing vegetation community composition, limiting access, or by contaminating the
vegetation or the soil in which it grows. Because harvesting opportunities are already severely
restricted in S’ólh Téméxw, and more locally, within the Tít Territory, remaining patches of
undisturbed lands are highly valuable to Shxw’ōwhámel members. Loss of intact forested areas
will directly impact the ability of the people of Shxw’ōwhámel Indian Band to collect their specific
resources and utilize them in food, cultural and ceremonial practices.
“The construction and all the maintenance of the right of way will disturb the mushroom
grounds, where we go and gather. If they disturb those grounds, it will take years for
those mushrooms to come back to the area. We rely on those mushrooms.” Community
member, 2015.
“We have a concern with the use of herbicides and the chemicals they use and will use
along the pipeline corridor.” Community member, 2015.
According to a recent Traditional Land Use study (Firelight 2015), 333 plant and forest productgathering areas will be impacted by the TMEP (see Table 5-1).

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TABLE 5-1 NUMBER OF DOCUMENTED HARVESTING SITE WITHIN 2KM OF THE TRANS MOUNTAIN EXPANSION
PROJECT CORRIDOR IN TÍT TERRITORY

Description

Total # within
pipeline corridor
46
3
Total 49

Earth Materials
Resources

Total # within 2km of pipeline
corridor
287
46
333

TABLE 5-2 RATING CRITERIA FOR TMEP IMPACT ASSESSMENT

Impact Assessment

Rating

Likelihood Scale 1-5
Duration of the impact

5
L-T,
PERM

Impact on:
Health (physical,
psychological, spiritual)
1-5
Implications of the impact
in consideration of
cumulative impacts.

2

Medium

Level - Rationale
red/
yellow
Red
Clearing of the right of way, grubbing,
maintenance of right of way with the use of
Red
pesticides; loss of trees; loss of resources
within wetlands; loss of access to harvesting
sites, and a loss in-community practices are
Yellow all factors in the loss of sense of place. The
existing pipeline is factored into cumulative
effects, along with other linear developments
Yellow and clearing of rights of way of forest and
earthly resources. While gathering is not
currently a factor of sustenance, it is a factor
of traditional, sense of place, cohesion, and
continuity.

Figure 5-3 shows the findings of the impact assessment of the Trans Mountain Expansion
Project for gathering activities.

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FIGURE 5-3 IMPACTS OF THE TRANS MOUNTAIN EXPANSION PROJECT ON GATHERING ACTIVITIES

High/Significant adverse impact
Moderate/Significant adverse impact

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6

Travel Corridors

A key element in the Stó:lō seasonal round of activities is the network of travel corridors that link
Stó:lō communities with family, services, work and harvesting areas throughout S’ólh Téméxw.
6.1 Historic Context for Travel Corridors
The Fraser River, Sumas Lake, and their respective tributaries provided the transportation,
communication and trade networks on which, historically, Shxw’ōwhámel members relied. Stó:lō
used the waterways and overland trails to travel to neighbouring communities, Vancouver Island
communities, and to visit American tribes located in Northern Washington (Schaepe, 1999,
2001). Both the riverine and the montane landscapes were utilized for travel and communication
in order to support socio-economic connectivity and as a deeper connection to the land and
waters that were factors of Stó:lō identity (Schaepe 2007). 81 documented historical travel
routes (See Appendix 14.5 and 14.7) show the interconnection between waterways and land
travel and the vast travel networks used historically.
As Figure 6-1 illustrates, use of historic travel corridors instilled the most core cultural values.

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FIGURE 6-1 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH HISTORIC TRAVEL CORRIDORS

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer
people to carry it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out this
activity
6.2 Contemporary Context for Travel Corridors
Stó:lō people rely on travel corridors today to travel to and from work, school, and activities
related to sports, education, and community. Contemporary travel corridors, roads and
highways, do not reflect the traditional ways of canoeing between seasonal camps and the
winter villages, to different Coast Salish communities such as Lummi and Nooksack, or for trade
purposes. Contemporary travel relies on cars or transit (when available) and road networks, and
alternative transportation.
Due to land use changes, road development, railways, decreased access and increased traffic
use, for spiritual and ceremonial activities, gathering, hunting, fishing and seasonal travel for
wind drying activities, is not as common as it was, but still occurs traditional corridor use, . As a
result of changes in economic and social structures, and in access, there is a reduction in the
use of waterways for travel and recreation. Another limiting factor is the constant diversion of
creeks and streams within the Tít Territory and S’ólh Téméxw that has decreased the
connectivity between communities and cultural heritage sites.
As Figure 6-2 illustrates, contemporary use of travel corridors instils fewer core cultural values.

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FIGURE 6-2 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH CONTEMPORARY TRAVEL CORRIDORS

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer
people to carry it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out this
activity
6.2.1 Baseline – Historical Trails
In Ground Truthing of Aboriginal Trails along the Proposed Trans Mountain Pipeline Corridor
From Cheam to Sumas (1025 – 1092) there were 24 historic trails identified within the pipeline
corridor. During Ground Truthing, under SHIP 2013-044, 15 of those travel routes were
confirmed (See Appendix 14.7). In the Traditional Land Use Study and incorporated data from
the Stó:lō Research and Resource Management Centre, 81 documented trails were recorded
within 2km of the Trans Mountain Expansion Project corridor (KM 961 to 1045) (See Appendix
14.5). Ground Truthing of the additional trails, identified in the Peters Traditional Land Use
Study, is outstanding, and needs to be completed to fully identify the impact of the TMEP on
trails within and around Ohamil IR1 and those identified by Shxw’ōwhámel Indian Band
members as being significant.
6.2.2 Baseline – Roads and Infrastructure
Roads and Highways, within Tít Territory, frequently used by community members, which will be
impacted as a result of the Trans Mountain Expansion Project include:

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





Highway #1 (from Hope to Abbotsford)
Popkum Road
Columbia Valley Highway
Columbia Valley Road
Flood Hope Road

Stó:lō people use these roads daily for day-to-day activities such as grocery shopping, driving
kids to school, going to work, etc., as well as for travel to visit family and attend cultural
meetings or activities. As some of the Stó:lō communities do not have key services such as
schools and medical facilities on the reserves, Stó:lō people often travel to access these
services.
As noted in the TMEP Facility Application, some of the key service providers, such as
ambulance, Fire/Rescue, municipal police departments, and local RCMP detachments, have
indicated that traffic related issues are a key concern for them.
6.3 Impact Assessment – Travel Corridors
Access to travel corridors is an important contributor to Stó:lō culture, both in terms of historical
trails and contemporary road infrastructure. Patterns of human settlement provide some context
to understand relationships between Stó:lō communities and their relationship to Tít Territory,
and to a larger extent, S’ólh Téméxw.
6.3.1 Cultural-Heritage Assessment
Of the 24 established trails, identified in Ground Truthing of Aboriginal Trails – TMP Corridor
from Cheam to Sumas (2013) (Appendix 14.4), 15 existing travel routes were identified and
found to be considerably disturbed, so no further archaeology investigations were required. In
the Traditional Land Use Study (2015), community members identified 57 travel routes and
trails. It is important that these trails are ground-truthed to ensure that, if in a natural historic or
otherwise preserved state, appropriate cultural and archeological investigations are conducted.
The historic trails in and around the community provide a continued connection to the land, to
Stó:lō ancestors, and continue to be ‘safe’ travel corridors for youth, parents with children, and
elderly people. These travel corridors offer protection from heavier traffic, and are perceived as
‘safe’ because they are well known and well used by Shxw’ōwhámel members.
Moreover, some of the historic trails provide a corridor to spiritually significant sites, such as
bathing, fasting, hunting or fishing sites on which Shxw’ōwhámel members rely. If these trails
are altered it can greatly affect the way Stó:lō people are able to navigate their community to
remain socially, spiritually, and economically connected. Decreased access, safety and mobility
will create short term isolation and disconnect that may have a psychological, economic and
physical impact. In some areas, such as Bridal Falls and around Cheam Mountain.
There are a total of 122 documented travel routes within 2km of the pipeline corridor, with 51
routes within the pipeline corridor (Table 6-1).
TABLE 6-1 DOCUMENTED AND TRAVEL ROUTES WITHIN THE PIPELINE CORRIDOR

Travel Routes
Documented travel routes
GIS-Model travel routes

Within Corridor
50
1

Within 2km of Corridor
70
1

6.3.2 Impacts – Roads and Infrastructure
The Socio-Economic Assessment (TMEP Facility Application Volume 5B, Part 3, Section
7.2.5.6) outlines the residual traffic impacts from TMEP and indicates that, for communities with
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limited access routes, the impact of TMEP on traffic, particularly in summer months, will be
“more than a nuisance or inconvenience to residents, travelers and other road users.” The
Facility Application also notes that sections of the Trans-Canada Highway that are located in the
Lower Mainland are consistently busy.
Shxw’ōwhámel members are not able to walk to other communities, such as Cheam or Hope, to
participate in activities and events as the current road and highway network, specifically
Highway 1, impedes their safe mobility outside of a motor vehicle. Pipeline construction within
the community will further limit mobility options on and off reserve and will impede community
members’ off-reserve movement greatly.
Contemporary roadways have an important role in the movement of Stó:lō people to and from
work, other communities, ceremonies, fishing, hunting and gathering sites, social gatherings
and places/sites where spiritual activities, such as fasting and bathing, are practiced.. For some
communities, roadways are the only means of accessing these places. Construction delays in
this area are well known to community members and pose problems for pedestrians, cyclists,
and drivers, who are not only restricted by construction times, but by heavy traffic flow and
unsafe conditions/safety concerns as well.

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TABLE 6-2 RATING CRITERIA FOR TMEP IMPACT ASSESSMENT

Impact Assessment

Rating

Likelihood Scale 1-5
Duration of the impact

4
S-T,
Temp./
L-T,
Perm

Impact on:
Health (physical,
psychological, spiritual)
1-5
Implications of the impact
in consideration of
cumulative impacts.

5

Med.High

Level - Rationale
red/
yellow
Red
Roads and highways are going to be
impacted during construction throughout the
Red
Fraser Valley, severely limiting Shxw’ōwhámel
members’ mobility off and onto reserves
through highway access and egress.
Construction on Ohamil Reserve will impact
community members ability to move on
Red
reserve, either by motor vehicle or alternative
transportation, particularly walking. The
development of temporary roads, access
points, and the movement of machinery will
Red
greatly disturb the current travel routes along
main highways and roads. The construction
on the pipeline throughout Tít Territory will
inhibit the ability of community members to
access harvesting sites, fishing spots,
spiritually significant sites, and will impact
their mobility to and from work. The impacts
such as sense of place, connectedness and
tradition will be greatly affected by the
widening of the corridor, having both shortterm and long-term impacts that will be both
temporary, such as construction, and
permanent, access roads for emergency
response.

Figure 6-3 shows the results of the impact assessment of the Trans Mountain Expansion Project
for travel corridors.

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FIGURE 6-3 IMPACTS OF TRANS MOUNTAIN EXPANSION PROJECT ON TRAVEL CORRIDORS

High/Significant adverse impact
Moderate/Significant adverse impact

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7

Habitation and Settlements

Patterns of human settlement provide the necessary context to understand relationships
between Stó:lō communities and their relationship to S’ólh Téméxw. Settlements were often
created for the protection and function of socio-political and socio-economic activities (Schaepe,
2006; 2009).
7.1 Historic Context for Settlements
The two most common historical housing types were pit-houses in the lower Fraser Valley, and
plank houses throughout S’ólh Téméxw (Duff 1952). The larger villages with plank houses were
designed to hold and host community gatherings. The smaller villages were deliberately placed
closer to resource sites and areas of spiritual and cultural significance. Settlements sites were
chosen so as to form community networking that enabled the sharing of game, fish,
transportation and services as a type of collective identity and survival mechanism (Mooney,
1976). Reciprocity extended beyond the local neighbour to include neighbouring villages, and all
kinship ties throughout S’ólh Téméxw. Figure 7-1 shows the strong cultural connection of
housing settlements and types

FIGURE 7-1 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH HISTORIC HABITATION/SETTLEMENT

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer people
to carry it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out this
activity

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7.2 Contemporary Context for Habitation/Settlements
This section of the assessment will address contemporary settlements for Shxw’ōwhámel.
Contemporary housing types include single or multi-family dwellings, apartments, and trailers.
Many community members live off reserve because of lack of land for additional housing, lack of
infrastructure to support mobility or housing developments, lack of housing opportunities, and
potential safety hazards caused by linear developments on reserve land, such as highways and
railways (ICA, 2014). The constant fragmentation of Stó:lō reserves and territory, as noted
above, has led to a fear of place that moves Stó:lō people off the land entirely and has greatly
impacted Shxw’ōwhámel’s ability to increase their housing base, and their population, and
encourage family members to move back home from off-reserve or from other reserves
throughout BC and the United States (ICA, 2014).
“People want their kids to grow up like they did, we did, they want their children to have
access to the lands and the river. This development could further restrict that from
happening.” Community member, 2015.

FIGURE 7-2 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH CONTEMPORARY HABITATION/SETTLEMENT

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer
people to carry it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out this
activity

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7.3 Impact Assessment - Habitation/Settlements
Specific concerns cited within Shxw’ōwhámel’s assessment are directly related to historical
camps, villages, and burial sites.
7.4 Baseline Villages and Burials
An Archaeological Impact Assessment was undertaken, conducted between February and
March 2015. Additionally, a Cultural Heritage Overview Impact Assessment (CHOIA) was
completed for the TMEP (KM 961-1045). Shxw’ōwhámel pit-houses (DiRj-30) are in the
direct/proposed path of the Trans Mountain Pipeline and its development threatens to disturb
them. If there are any spills, contamination or other events during the pipeline expansion and
construction, the historical village site of Shxw’ōwhámel could be irreversibly impacted, affecting
the local and off-reserve community members, communities throughout S’ólh Téméxw and
throughout Coast Salish Territories.
“Trans Mountain Expansion Project will pass through pit-house areas and archaeology
sites – that cultural material will be disturbed and will be buried under the pipeline. There
are the pit-houses and burial sites, and other cultural areas.” Community member, 2015.
“All of the land and the water (up and down) the river and in the mountains will be
impacted by TMEP.” Community member, 2015
“Not just a concern about how it will impact Shxw’ōwhámel, but how it will impact all of
British Columbia.” Community member, 2015
7.5 Impact Assessment – Habitation/Settlements
Linear developments that pose a threat to the health and well-being of the community continue
to strip away viable lands for housing and development. Shxw’ōwhámel currently faces a lack of
land and a lack of housing. Community members fear that a major event, such as a full bore
rupture within waterways and the resulting ground water contamination, would affect the whole
of Ohamil 1, leaving community members homeless, and landless and severing their spiritual,
physical and emotional connection to their land, cultural and spiritual sites and shxwelí (refer to
Trans Mountain Pipeline Overland and stream Flow Modeling of Full-Bore Rupture Releases).
7.5.1 Cultural-Heritage Assessment
Additionally, a Cultural Heritage Overview Impact Assessment (CHOIA) was completed for the
TMEP between KP 961 and KP 1045. According to the review, there are 47 habitation sites
located within 2km of the pipeline corridor (Table 7-1).

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TABLE 7-1 RATING CRITERIA FOR TMEP IMPACT ASSESSMENT

Impact Assessment

Rating

Likelihood Scale 1-5
Duration of the impact

5
L-T,
Perm.

Impact on:
Rating 1-5
Health (physical,
psychological, spiritual)
1-5
Implications of the impact
in consideration of
cumulative impacts.

5

Med.High

Level - Rationale
red/
yellow
Red
Settlements are tied to ancestors, Stó:lō and
community
history which, if impacted, would
Red
create a loss of connectedness and sense of
place. While there is great heritage tied to the
sites, recent linear development have
extremely disturbed them. If the pipeline
project, as in the past, decides to expropriate
Red
lands wherein a member’s house is slated for
removal that will cause great suffering on the
Yellow individual, their family, and their friends, but
for the long-term results in a loss of place and
- Red
rootedness and a sense of connectedness or
continuity with the community. This loss
creates economic, physical, and psychological
stress, pain, and suffering.

Figure 7-3 shows the results of the impact assessment of the Trans Mountain Expansion Project
for habitation/settlements.

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FIGURE 7-3 IMPACTS OF THE TRANS MOUNTAIN EXPANSION PROJECT ON HABITATION/SETTLEMENT

High/Significant adverse impact
Moderate/Significant adverse impact

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8

Hunting and Trapping

Stó:lō people harvest a variety of wildlife for food, medicine, building materials and ceremonial
items.
8.1 Historic context for Hunting and Trapping
Hunting and trapping played a vital role in Stó:lō culture as it is related to food, social,
ceremonial, and economic purposes. Hunting took place throughout all seasons including
winter, using a wide range of resources and habitats between the lowlands and alpine
landscape of S’ólh Téméxw (Schaepe 1997). Hunting was carried out in a manner that was
linked seasonally to the life cycles of the prey species and to the scheduling of other important
activities including gathering and fishing (Duff, 1952). There was great pride– a responsibility
and knowledge – in being an exceptional hunter (Wells, 1987).
Hunting and trapping were key to the socio-economics of trade relations among indigenous
trade partners; for example, via stl’e’áleq (potlatch) and within post-contact trade relations with
European fur traders. Specific animals, such as deer, mountain goat, bear, and ducks, were
hunted not only for their meat, but were also to provide materials for ceremonial pieces, such as
drums and regalia, and for everyday items, such as sweaters (Mountain Goat wool); cooking
(bear grease), and other clothing (hides, feathers, etc.) The meat of animals often was dried in
order to preserve it throughout the winter. Like every other daily Stó:lō activity, there were
spiritual rituals and protocols followed in order to ensure reciprocity between the land, Creator,
animal, and hunter. Respect for elders, the land, and animal was a value associated with
hunting and trapping. Respect was shown in different ways, including the protocols of killing the
animal, giving thanks to the Creator, providing for the community, and offering the hunter’s first
kill to the elders.
As with all aspects of Stó:lō land and resource use including fishing and gathering, hunting was
a factor in Stó:lō systems of resource management. As Figure 8-1 illustrates, hunting and
trapping instilled a large number of cultural values.

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FIGURE 8-1 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH HISTORIC HUNTING AND TRAPPING ACTIVITIES

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer people to
carry it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out this activity
8.2 Contemporary context for Hunting and Trapping
Today, Shxw’ōwhámel Indian Band continue to hunt, as it is still an important cultural activity.
Historically, Shxw’ōwhámel hunters hunted deer, moose, elk, mountain goat, bear, ducks,
turkeys, eagles, and small fur bearing animals. Today, hunting of deer, moose, elk, ducks, and
some small fur bearing animals continues, but is greatly impacted by the fragmentation of lands,
loss of access to hunting and trapping areas (such as mountainsides, local forests, along river
and stream banks), encroachment of developments, and loss of natural habitat. Community
members no longer hunt for Mountain Goat as a result of overhunting in the past.
Hunting big game, such as deer, moose, elk, bear and wild birds, continues to provide meat for
families and for social, cultural, and ceremonial activities. Some community members have the
honour of being selected to hunt for game for the Big House or cultural/spiritual ceremonies.
Much of the game is still for ceremonial use, such as deer hides for making ceremonial drums
and regalia and bird feathers and other parts of animals for ceremonial regalia. Protocols of
animal killing remain the same as were historically practiced, and sharing of meat and nonedible animal parts with other community members still occurs. Hunting has been reduced as a

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result of fragmentation of S’ólh Téméxw, provincial hunting and gaming regulations,
development, time pressures, and the need to travel further to access undisturbed hunting sites.
Hunting in non-traditional territory oftentimes is encumbered by regulators’ lack of
understanding of legal processes and the fact that s. 35 rights for hunting are not adequately
protected by provincial laws and conservation measures/policies. Hunting continues to play a
vital role in maintaining Stó:lō culture, especially in providing ceremonial materials and instilling
values that are inherent in Stó:lō life.
As Figure 8-2 illustrates, hunting and trapping continue to instil a large number of cultural values
although some value linkages have been weakened.

FIGURE 8-2 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH CONTEMPORARY HUNTING AND TRAPPING ACTIVITIES

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer people to
carry it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out this activity
8.3 Baseline for Hunting and Trapping
Within Tít Territory, 33 traditional hunting areas, 8 trapping sites, and 75 overnight sites have
been recorded within 2km of the TMEP corridor (KM 961-1045) (see Table 9-1). Traditional
harvesting areas are shown on figures included in the Cultural Heritage Overview Impact
Assessment (CHOIA). The CHOIA is provided in Appendix 14.5.

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8.4 Impact Assessment – Hunting and Trapping
Recently, moose and mountain goat have been returning to areas located to the east (near
Hope and Coquihalla summit) and south (Mount Devoy) (Naxaxalhts’I, personal communication,
2015). With growing game populations and the return of such animals, the Trans Mountain
Expansion Project may threaten the habitat they prefer, leading to the migration of the animals
further east or southward to the other side of Thunderbird Mountain (Mount Devoy). Oil
contamination would affect the vegetation, drinking water, and movement of animals through
their habitat, leading to continued pressures to hunt outside of S’ólh Téméxw (Stó:lō traditional
territory).
“Wildlife will be impacted.”
“Previous developments have impacted the animals, including the previous pipeline, the
highway, and the railroad. We don’t want to impact them more.”
8.4.1 Cultural-Heritage Assessment
Within Tít Territory (KM 961 – 1045), 33 traditional hunting areas, 8 trapping sites, and 75
overnight sites have been recorded within 2km of the TMEP corridor (see Table 8-1). Traditional
harvesting areas are shown on figures included in the Cultural Heritage Overview Impact
Assessment (CHOIA).
TABLE 8-1 NUMBER OF DOCUMENTED HUNTING AND TRAPPING SITES LOCATED WITHIN 2KM OF THE TRANS
MOUNTAIN EXPANSION PROJECT CORRIDOR IN TÍT TERRITORY.

Description

Total # within 2km of pipeline corridor

Hunting
Overnight sites
Trapping

33
75
8
Total 116

TABLE 8-2 RATING CRITERIA FOR TMEP IMPACT ASSESSMENT

Impact Assessment

Rating

Likelihood Scale 1-5
Duration of the impact

5
L-T,
Perm.

Impact on:
Health (physical,
psychological, spiritual)
1-5
Implications of the impact
in consideration of
cumulative impacts.

3

3

Level - Rationale
red/
yellow
Red
Hunting, although mostly done outside of the
territory, does currently take place around the
Red
reserves an in Tít Territory. There are
overnight sites, camping sites for hunting, and
trapping sites that will be impacted by the
Yellow Trans Mountain pipeline. Although many
community members do not hunt as a basis
for the survival of their family, it is still tied to
Red - tradition, bonding with their community,
Yellow ancestors, and family, and creates a sense of
place and rootedness. To impact these is to
impact the social, spiritual, and psychological
well-being of the community members.

Figure 8-3 shows the results of the impact assessment of the Trans Mountain Expansion Project
for hunting and trapping.

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FIGURE 8-3 IMPACTS OF TRANS MOUNTAIN EXPANSION PROJECT ON HUNTING AND TRAPPING ACTIVITIES

High/Significant adverse impact
Moderate/Significant adverse impact

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9

Socio-Economic Health and Well-Being

Socio-economic health and well-being is integrated within the cultural activities in which the
Stó:lō community participates, specifically fishing, gathering of medicinal plants, and hunting.
Social and psychological health and well being is inherently tied to the cultural, spiritual, and
physical connection to the natural environment and the lands, waters, animals, and plants
therein. Much of the Stó:lō’s pre-European economy, and economy on initial contact, was based
on a trade and exchange system that still exists, in many respects, to this day.
9.1 Historical role of Economic Activities
Historically, economy was linked to a wide network of trails and waterways providing linkages to
other communities, as far away as Lummi, Nooksack (tribes of Washington State), and
Vancouver Island, that created a Coast Salish trade and exchange system (Carlson 1996;
Lepofsky et al. 2009; Schaepe 2009). Social, spiritual, ceremonial, and political activities
provided the foundation for the social and economic health and well-being of Stó:lō For
example, kinship ties and exchange agreements were maintained through naming ceremonies,
potlatches, songs, dances, and histories that linked members of Shxw’ōwhámel with their
namesakes, their kin, and their spiritual relations. The movement of the Sxwó:yxwey mask, for
example, tied members of Shxw’ōwhámel to members throughout Coast Salish territory, leading
to exchange of goods, food, histories, and names. The spiritual and social connectivity that
resulted from this economic structure ensured the health and well-being of community members
as they were linked spiritually, physically, and emotionally to family, ancestors, and their culture.
As figure 9-1 illustrates that the operation of the Stó:lō economy was linked to a number of
cultural values.

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FIGURE 9-1 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH SOCIO-ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer people to
carry it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out this activity
9.2
Contemporary role of Economic activities
Trade and exchange among community members, friends, and family continues today. It is
common for community members to ensure that elders and families in need are cared for
through the gifting of salmon, berries/preserves, and medicines. There continues to be trade
and exchange among friends, such as trading meat for fish, or fish for medicines, etc. As part of
the contemporary economic activities, Shxw’ōwhámel members fish for food, social, ceremonial
purposes, and for commercial purposes (beach seining).
Continued land encroachments, development, loss of lands and federal and provincial
regulations have decreased the Shxw’ōwhámel members to rely on traditional economics, so
must participate in the Western wage economy. This has disrupted members’ ability to
participate in traditional activities, such as fishing, gathering, and hunting. Given the need to
work in the wage economy, members are not always able to participate in spiritual activities due
to time and money constraints.
Moreover, with the introduction of the reserve system, diversion of streams and creeks, the
draining of Sumas Lake, and linear and non-linear development throughout S’ólh Téméxw the

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connection between communities has been severed/limited/etc. Similarly, limitations on the
ability of community members to travel has caused a disconnect with Stó:lō culture.
It is well known that there is disparity and inequality both socially and economically among
Stó:lō people and Xwelitium (non-Stó:lō) in the contemporary world.
“This will cause more hardship for our community, if more land is taken away (culturally,
access to resources and everything. It causes us great unhappiness that our resources
are being taken. All these things going around and through Shxw’ōwhámel and it is
taking the Shxw’ōwhámel culture away.” Community member, 2015.
The overall status of the contemporary role that economy has for Stó:lō society is visually
presented in Figure 9-2, which shows that linkages to key values have weakened over time.

FIGURE 9-2 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH CONTEMPORARY SOCIO-ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer people to
carry it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out this activity
9.3
Impact Assessment – Economic Activities
It has been suggested that many are concerned that the TMEP will contribute to the erosion of
historical economic activities and have very little economic benefits for community members.
Stó:lō people are skeptical that the proponents of TMEP will make any substantive efforts to

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address the challenges that Stó:lō people and companies face when trying to integrate in the
wage economy. They are also concerned that the TMEP will limit existing economic activities
being pursued (fishing, forestry, cultural tourism, service companies).
It is clear that Shxw’ōwhámel members are concerned about the impact of the TMEP on local
fishing activities, berry picking, and the future of the band’s ability to increase economic
opportunities on their reserve lands. Moreover, there is a loss of potential for jobs and economic
development as a planned gas bar is no longer a viable option for Shxw’ōwhámel as a result of
the pipeline corridor.
“The planned gas bar, across the highway, has been curtailed because of the pipeline. If
other land could be allotted for the gas bar; that would be good.” Community member,
2015
9.4 Impact Assessment – Health and Well-being
With a potential for greater loss of and increased restrictions on land, the potential for an oil spill
that would affect cultural heritage sites, waterways and spiritually significant sites,
Shxw’ōwhámel members are worried about the physical and psychological impacts of the
TMEP. An oil spill would greatly impact the historic lands and village sites of Shxw’ōwhámel
DiRj-30 be greatly impacted, as well as many historical, cultural and spiritual sites as shown in
the CHOIA (see Appendix 14.5). The impact upon any community, lands, waters, vegetation, or
animal that is tied to Shxw’ōwhámel Indian Band through history, culture, spirituality, or kinship
has the propensity to affect Shxw’ōwhámel members, as they are relations with tangible and
intangible objects (flora, fauna, rocks, minerals, air, wind and more) within the worldview and
the concept of shxwelí. Moreover, the community’s potable water is located on reserve and is
fed by the local streams flowing from the mountains into the aquifers.
“We have the best water in British Columbia. What happens to our aquifers? Our water
is from the mountain streams and the area aquifers, if anything happens to those to
contaminate them, where will we get our water? We put those in so we could have
water.” Community member, 2015

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TABLE 9-1 RATING CRITERIA FOR TMEP IMPACT ASSESSMENT

Impact Assessment

Rating

Likelihood Scale 1-5
Duration of the impact

5
L-T,
Perm.

Impact on:
Health (physical,
psychological, spiritual)
1-5
Implications of the impact
in consideration of
cumulative impacts.

5

High

Level - Rationale
red/
yellow
Red
Living in a small area, confined by the
mountains, the highways, and the river,
Red
Shxw’ōwhámel Indian Band relies on the
corridors between Peters 1 and 1A reserves
for economic development. With the pipeline
Red
running through that particular corridor, and
the restrictions that are inherent in corridor
development, restraint and restriction for
development is created. The health of
Red
community members, by way of affordable
living, connectivity to place, ownership of
business, will be impacted by the pipeline
corridor development. Moreover, there is a
high risk of contamination of the aquifers
during construction through oil contamination,
chemical run-off, and impacts to local streams
and creeks that would cause higher levels of
fear associated with water contamination and
loss of potable water.

Figure 9-3 shows the results of the impact assessment of Trans Mountain Expansion Project on
socio-economic health and well-being.

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FIGURE 9-3 IMPACTS OF THE TRANS MOUNTAIN EXPANSION PROJECT ON SOCIO-ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES

High/Significant adverse impact
Moderate/Significant adverse
impact

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10 Community Based Programs and Health
10.1 Historic Context for Community-based Programs and health
In the recent past, community health was a factor of spiritual connectivity, roles and relations,
practices, beliefs, values, customary law, and the law written in the land. Each person had a gift,
whether a Tewit (expert hunter) or a Shxwlá:m (Indian doctor’s “spirit power”), for which he/she
was responsible to share, and from which his/her identity was known or derived. It was
communal living, with community sharing and reciprocity. The Siyá:m (elders) and others in the
community acted as specialists who distributed wealth and knowledge throughout the
community. As figure 10-1 illustrates, historic approaches to community programs and services
instilled all of the core cultural values.

FIGURE 10-1 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH COMMUNITY-BASED PROGRAMS AND HEALTH

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer people to
carry it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out this activity
10.2 Contemporary Context for Community-based Programs and Health
As a result of continued encroachment of lands, disconnection with community, loss of identity,
residential schools, reserve creation, and government control and regulation through the Indian
Act, there have been significant adverse impacts on Stó:lō society, generally, generally, and

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Shxw’ōwhámel First Nation specifically. These impacts serve to erode the values of
Shxw’ōwhámel’s culture: self-governance, self-determination/representation, and selfsufficiency. Overall, Stó:lō people, as a collective and within individual communities, have
started to address the need for healing by creating and providing programs and services that
are specific to their culture, heritage, and needs.
As figure 10-2 illustrates, contemporary Community Programs and Services are key to
maintaining connections to many cultural values.

FIGURE 10-2 CULTURAL VALUES ASSOCIATED WITH CONTEMPORARY COMMUNITY-BASED PROGRAMS AND
HEALTH

Strong link to value
Still common activity, but fewer places or fewer people to carry
it on
Very few people or very few places to carry out this activity
10.3 Impact Assessment – Community-based Programs and Health
As stated in Section 10, Shxw’ōwhámel members are concerned that the TMEP has a great
potential to impact the social, physical, and psychological health of community members by
affecting connections to community members, ancestors, land, water, and animals, which would
impact upon Shxwelí. There is potential for the TMEP to affect current traditionally-based
programs, such as weaving, medicinal plant and berry harvesting, hunting, fishing, and more.
The inability to transmit this traditional knowledge to future generations. The loss of this

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traditional knowledge with/in future generations would be devastating to the culture and
traditions of Shxw’ōwhámel Band members and ancestors, for it is a loss that cannot be
addressed by any mitigation or compensation
TABLE 10-1 RATING CRITERIA FOR TMEP IMPACT ASSESSMENT

Impact Assessment

Rating

Likelihood Scale 1-5
Duration of the impact

5
L-T;
Perm.

Impact on:
Health (physical,
psychological, spiritual)
1-5
Implications of the impact
in consideration of
cumulative impacts.

4

5

Level - Rationale
red/
yellow
Red
Shxw’ōwhámel Indian Band still bases its
governance, education, and relations on
Red
tradition, culture, and spirituality. The
community based programs rely on the
accessibility of traditional plants, animals, and
Red
the river to provide the resources required to
teach current and future generations of Stó:lō
culture. Access to areas within and outside of
the Tít Territory, such as Cheam Mountain,
Red
Bridal Falls, Coquihalla Parks, Coquihalla
Summit, and all along the Fraser River is vital
in program development, implementation and
sustainability. While the purpose of the
programs does not change, there will be
additional strain and urgency in carrying on
the programs in the face of such development
and the loss of essential resources.

Figure 10-3 shows the results of the impact assessment of the Trans Mountain Expansion
Project for community-based programs and health.

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FIGURE 10-3 IMPACTS OF THE TRANS MOUNTAIN EXPANSION PROJECT ON COMMUNITY-BASED PROGRAMS AND
HEALTH

High/Significant adverse impact
Moderate/Significant adverse impact

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11 Impact Summary
As identified throughout this report the Stó:lō-Coast Salish cultural fabric of Shxw’ōwhámel
Indian Band, as part of the Tít Tribe, consists of a number of linked activities, values, teachings,
and beliefs that create a cultural foundation. This foundation is based on many aspects of life,
including the health of the environment, both physical and spiritual, the shxwelí of all things
living, and the interconnectedness between all living things, otherwise called the worldview. If
there are impacts on one aspect of life, there is a change in balance and a shift in all other
aspects that has negative repercussions for/on Shxw’ōwhámel members, and all Stó:lō. This
imbalance can erode identity, health, and shxwelí, all of which erodes the cultural fabric of the
Shxw’ōwhámel community and all Stó:lō . The cumulative impacts of government policy,
developments, trespass and encroachment have already had adverse effects on Stó:lō culture
and, to some extent, its ability to regain what was lost as a result of historical government
decisions.
The Trans Mountain Expansion Project poses a great threat to the sustainability of the Stó:lō
culture with which Shxw’ōwhámel Indian Band relates and within which it is embedded. The
need to maintain the earth for the protection of seven generations in the future is foundational to
the practices and values of Shxw’ōwhámel. The TMEP will impact the sustainability of land,
environment, water, fish, plants, and animals for future generations directly.
It is clear from the discussion with community members that the anxiety over past spills
and future spills occurring is already impacting the members of Shxw’ōwhámel Indian
Band.
“There was a spill that occurred from railway into Coquihalla last summer; people are
concerned about the effects of that spill.” Community member, 2015
“What if there is a major earthquake that breaks the pipeline, what do they do then?”
Community member, 2015.
“What if landslides or other natural disasters are triggered by TMEP and cause the
pipeline to break and leak? They are frequent here, they are getting worse and we are
having more, just had one a little while ago.” Community member, 2015.
Concurrently, the concern is not just the impact to the reserve but the whole of the Tít
tribal and Stó:lō (S’ólh Téméxw) traditional territories, and extends to the whole of British
Columbia. The concern is not only for the impacts of today, or five years, but for seven
generations and beyond and extends to friends, family, children, great-grandchildren,
great-great-grandchildren and so forth. “I am worried about my children, and other
children, the future generations and how it will impact them.” Community member, 2015.
Finally, it is greatly important to the community that infrastructure is set in place to handle
emergencies and that Shxw’ōwhámel are trained and ready to respond. It is hoped these
features will be part of the project, and not simply part of an agreement to be made in the future.
“We want to make sure that the infrastructure is all in place, that they can handle the
emergency. The political will has to be there to handle the issues.” Community member,
2015.
“The response stations need to be acceptable, along the pipeline, not so far apart to
reduce the impact. Why isn’t Shxw’ōwhámel and First Nations being a part of the first
responders? We should be trained, we are all along the River (Fraser), we are the ones
impacted most. We should be a part, we should be trained.” Community member, 2015.
“There are already existing risks. It will be tripled if the pipeline is twice as big.”
Community member, 2015.

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FIGURE 11-1 IMPACTS OF THE TRANS MOUNTAIN EXPANSION PROJECT ON CULTURAL ACTIVITIES

High/Significant adverse impact
Moderate/Significant adverse impact

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12 Conclusion
Properly interpreting the findings of this assessment relies on taking a holistic, approach that
incorporates the Shxw’ōwhámel worldview in understanding the relationships between activities,
values, and spiritual, physical, and psychological health. Each activity is impacted by the
proposed Trans Mountain Expansion Project, thereby affecting values that are the core of Stó:lō
traditions and customs, especially those specifically linked to Shxw’ōwhámel. This impact
assessment indicates that the TMEP poses significant risk to the cultural integrity of
Shxw’ōwhámel, their relations, their culture, and their spirituality. Throughout this report, there is
limited discussion of the major impacts of a full-bore spill or major rupture within and along the
lower Fraser River Watershed, and within and around Ohamil Reserve (IR1). The impacts,
when looking only at construction and implementation, stand to significantly negatively impact
Shxw’ōwhámel’s Aboriginal rights, as protected under section 35 of the Canadian Constitution.
A full-bore rupture stands to significantly negatively impact Shxw’ōwhámel’s s.35 rights, to the
point of infringement, and should therefore be assessed as such.

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13 References
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Mohs, Gordon (1987) Spiritual sites, ethnic significance and native spirituality: the Heritage and
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Burnaby
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http://summit.sfu.ca/system/files/iritems1/5887/b15297524_A.pdf
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Naxaxalhts’i (Albert “Sonny” McHalsie) (2007). We have to take care of everything that belongs
to us. In Be of good mind: Essays on the Cost Salish. Bruce Granville Miller, eds. Pp. 82130. Vancouver: UBC Press.
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Schaepe, D (2009). Pre-Colonial Stó:lō-Coast Salish Community Organization: An
Archaeological Study. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology,
University of British Columbia.
Schaepe, D. (2007). Cultural heritage overview and impact assessment: BC Hydro interior to
lower mainland (ILM) Transmission Line Reinforcement Project of new 500kv and 5L41
upgrade: Transmission Line alternatives within S'ólh Témexw. Phase 1 Cultural Heritage
Overview Assessment Briefing Report. Unpublished document on file in the Stó:lō Nation
Archives, Chilliwack.
Schaepe, D. (Oct. 2006). Rock fortifications: Archaeological insights into pre-contact warfare
and sociopolitical organization among the Stó:lō of the lower Fraser river canyon, BC.
American Antiquity 71(4). Pp. 671-705. URL: http://www.jstor.or/stable/40035884
Schaepe, D. (2001) Stó:lō Communication and Transportation Routes, c. 1850. In A Stó:lō
Coast Salish Historical Atlas, edited by Keith Carlson et al, pp. 60-61. Vancouver: Douglas
McIntyre, University of Washington, and Stó:lō Heritage Trust.
Schaepe, D. (1999) Tracking the Ancestors: A pilot inventory of aboriginal trails within Stó:lō
Traditional Territory and the Chilliwack Forest District. Unpublished document on file in the
Stó:lō Nation Archives, Chilliwack.
Schaepe, D. (1997). From plain to peak: Archaeological inventory of the Chilliwack River Valley.
Unpublished report on file at the Stó:lō Archives, Chilliwack.
Schaepe, D., King, A., Hanson, E., Heaslip, R. (2009). BC Hydro (ILM) Reinforcement Project.
Stó:lō Traditional land and resource use impact assessment study. Unpublished document
on file in the Stó:lō Nation Archives, Chilliwack.
Schaepe, D., Blake, M., Formosa, S., and Dana Lepofsky (2006). Mapping and testing
precontact Stó:lō settlements in the Fraser Canyon and Fraser Valley (2004-2005): Xelhálh
(DjRi-14), Eyxel (DiRi-48), Shxw’ōwhámel (DjRi-30), Qithyil Island (DhRl-15), Sqwa:la
(DgRl-6), Th’ewá:lí (DgRl-17), Sxwóxwiymelh South (DiRj-1), and ‘John Mack Slough’
(DhRl-T1).. Unpublished report on file with the Stó:lō Archives, Chilliwack.
Schaepe, D., Stamp, J., Berkey, M. and Halstad, T. (2004). Sumas Energy 2 Inc. Traditional
Use study Phase Two: Stó:lō Cultural relations to air and water. Unpublished document on
file in the Stó:lō Nation Archives, Chilliwack.
Schaepe, D., Arnold, J., and Michael Blake (2003). The Fraser Valley archaeology project 2002:
Pilot investigations at DgRl 17, DgRm 1, DhRk 2, DhRk 6, DiRi 1, DiRj 30. Dana Lepofsky,.
Unpublished report on file with the Stó:lō Archives, Chilliwack.
Stó:lō Xwexwilmexw Treaty Association (2014)
Brief Stó:lō History. Stó:lō Xwexwilmexw
Treaty Association. http://sxta.bc.ca/sxtahistory.html, accessed on October 5, 2014.
Suttles, Wayne (1987) Coast Salish Essays. Talonbooks, Vancouver.
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1988
Thom, Brian D. (March 2005). Coast Salish sense of place: Dwelling, meaning, power, property,
and territory in the Coast Salish world. [Doctoral thesis]. Department of Anthropology. McGill
University: Montreal. Pp.1-484.
Washbrook, K. (1995). An introduction to the ethnobotany of the Stó:lō people in the area
between New Westminster and Chilliwack on the Fraser River, ms. 1995. Chiliwack and
Calgary, Stó:lō Nation and Parks Canada.

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Wells, Oliver (1987). The Chilliwacks and their neighbours. Talonbooks, Vancouver.

14 Appendices
14.1 The Restmore Caves
The Restmore Caves were originally reported in 1949 by Wilson Duff. The caves are located
south of the Fraser River, near the mouth of Hunter Creek. The Stó:lō name for the caves is
Uwqw’iles or Owqw’éyles, meaning “watching downriver” or “facing downriver”, and also refers
to the mouth of Hunter Creek. The two caves are described as being formed “by massive
pieces of rock which have fallen from the mountain and come to rest leaning on each other at all
angles” (Duff 1949:19). Duff reports that artifacts observed in the caves included a slate knife,
broken celt, basketry and mat fragments, iron rings, and animal bones. An informant, Mrs. Myra
Barber, indicated that the caves were used “during a great flood, and that since then, they [First
Nations] have regarded the place as haunted, and stayed away” (Duff 1949:19). She calculated
the flood as taking place 125 years ago.
The Restmore Caves were initially recorded by Gordon Mohs as an archaeological site (DiRj
T1988-2) in 1988; however, the site form was never submitted to the provincial Archaeology
Branch. The site consists of two boulder caves spaced 100-150 m apart and located near the
mouth of Hunter Creek. The downriver cave is accessible through a narrow vertical crack, and
is well-ventilated and lit with charcoal staining on the ceiling. The upriver cave displays a large
open entrance. Artifacts were observed on the surface in both caves, and included knives,
scrapers, basalt flakes, and ground slate. Mohs indicates that the caves are “of spiritual
importance to the Stó:lō, being used as puberty isolation residences and being associated with
legends of the Transformer, Xa:ls.”
In addition to the two recorded caves, informants indicated that numerous other caves are
located in the vicinity of the site on the mountainside. With respect to the additional
mountainside caves, Mike Kelly, of Ohamil, informed that a stone statue of an owl was found in
one cave, and other informants indicate that cooking pots, storage pits, paintings, and other
features were found in one cave.
Both of the caves were tested by AMEC/TERA in 2014 as part of the Archaeological Impact
Assessment for the proposed Trans Mountain Expansion Project under HCA 2013-0165. Only
one cave (the one furthest upstream with the wide opening) yielded archaeological materials.
Six shovel tests yielded 27 artifacts including one diagnostic projectile point and a burin, and
one evaluative unit yielded 105 artifacts including a projectile point, biface, retouched flakes,
utilized flake, and preform. In addition, 694 faunal items were collected, and 801 pieces of firealtered rock were recovered and left at the site. Two radiocarbon samples yielded dates of
2450 BP and 1253 BP.

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14.2 The Stó:lō Relationship to Sturgeon
Stó:lō is a Halq’eméylem word that means “river,” and the Stó:lō people include many
indigenous kinship groups, villages and other political organizations living in the lower Fraser
River valley and the surrounding watershed (Stó:lō Xwexwilmexw Treaty Association 2014). The
many nations representing Stó:lō people have had complex and shifting histories. Today the
various Stó:lō First Nations are represented by the Stó:lō Nation, the Stó:lō Tribal Council
and/or the Ts’elxwéyeqw Tribe, although some nations handle their affairs on their own.
White sturgeon have played an important part in Stó:lō daily life and history. The Stó:lō
Halq’eméylem word for fish is sth’óqwi (or sthóqwi), and sturgeon are seen as a type of sth’óqwi
as are brown bullheads, carp, eels, eulachon, graylings, halibut, ling-cod, minnows, salmon,
trout, suckers and whales (Coqualeetza Elders Group et al. 1980:68-70). White sturgeon are
called skwó:wech in Halq’eméylem. The root meaning of this word is unknown, but Galloway
(2009:592) suggests that it may mean “bone on the back” (kwów: bone?; <=wech ~ =ech ~
=ôwíts>: on the back). It does not appear that the Stó:lō language has a separate designation
for green sturgeon. Dictionaries of Halq’eméylem and other Coast Salish languages and
dialects do not include a distinct word for green sturgeon (see Table 1 for a list of other Coast
Salish words for sturgeon). Furthermore, Naxaxalhts’i (Albert “Sonny” McHalsie) (personal
communication, Oct. 1, 2014) said that he did not know of any Halq’eméylem words for green
sturgeon and suggested that they do not live in the Fraser River but further south in the
Columbia River. He also said that he did not know of specific terms to designate different life
stages of skwó:wech.
Table 14-1: Coast Salish Words for Sturgeon*
Word
Language (Dialect)
Source
skwó:wech,
Halq’eméylem
(Coqualeetza Elders Group et
skwó:wech
(Halq’eméylem)
al. 1980:68-68a)
qʷta:yθən
Halq’eméylem
(Jason Woolman, personal
(Hun'qumi'num)
communication, Oct. 3, 2014)
qwtaythun;
Halq’eméylem
(Hukari and Peters, 1995)
qwt-aythn
(Hul’qumi’num)
skwâ-wutsh
Klallum and Lummi
(Gibbs, 1863)
w
s.q táycəd
Puget Salish
(Hess, 1976)
stutchin
Chinook Jargon/ Chinuk (Dictionary
of
Chinook
Wawa
Jargon, 1889)
*This list is based on preliminary research and does not include terms from every language and
dialect.

Skwó:wech have been an important food resource for Stó:lō. They are caught all year long and
are especially important in winter and spring months when salmon are less plentiful
(Naxaxalhts’i, 2008:103; Coqualeetza Elders Group 1979:7-8). Skwó:wech live in deep parts of
the river and are caught with large bait and heavy lines; they have also been caught with spears
up to nine metres long by strong fishermen who have to be able to handle sturgeon that can
weigh over 1,000 pounds (Coqualeetza Elders Group 1979:7). Naxaxalhts’i (personal
communication, Oct. 1, 2014) told me that skwó:wech in one area could be seen from a hilltop.
Elders would direct fishermen in canoes to spear medium sized skwó:wech because they were
not supposed to take the largest sturgeon. Anyone who speared a large one was punished by
having to carry it back to the village by himself, using two canoes.
The Coqualeetza Elders Group (1979:7) explains how to process sturgeon in Upper Stó:lō
Fraser Valley Fishing: “1. Run a sharp knife along the back to remove the ‘barbs.’ 2. Trim off the
fins. 3. Remove the innards. 4. Cut the head off below the fin, not through the gills.” The “inner

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‘rope’ (the underside of the sturgeon’s ‘barbs’)” is described as a delicacy that would be
removed by cutting the tail partially off and then pulling the “rope out of the gristle.” The black
tubular substance along the backbone can be boiled to make glue. Naxaxalhts’i (personal
communication, Oct. 1, 2014) said that the elders Ralph George and James Fraser told him
stories that skwó:wech would be caught in the winter and tied up. People would take small
pieces of flesh from the tail area to eat when food was scarce and after a little bit of time,
skwó:wech would be released. The flesh was said to grow back or scar over and if the
skwó:wech was caught again, people would know whose it was.
While being appreciated as a fish, food and resource, sturgeon are much more for Stó:lō
people, particularly those from Chehalis, Leq’á:mel, Scowlitz and Shxw’ōhámel (Ohamil) who
have skwó:wech as an ancestor (Boas 2006:103; Carlson 2007:155-156; Hill-Tout 1978:151152). Naxaxalhts’i (2008:103) shares a story that Agnes Kelly shared with him about the
importance of skwó:wech for the people of Shxw’ōhámel:
She shared the story about how one of the men from the village, during the time of famine when
everyone was hungry, was told by Chichelh Siya:m to go and stand by the edge of the river. He
got down to the river and then Chichelh Siya:m – Chichelh Siya:m is the word for the Creator –
told him to dive into the river. And so he dove into the river and he was transformed into the
male sturgeon. And then, Agnes said, “He was transformed into that male sturgeon so that we
could have food in the winter months because the other salmon aren’t available in the winter. So
we needed something in the winter to keep us fed.” She went on to tell the story about how his
wife missed him very much, and so Chichelh Siya:m told her to go stand by the water as well.
So she went down there and she took some deer meat tied around her waist. And she was
standing on the edge of the river, and then her husband came in the form of a sturgeon and
called her. So she dove into the water and she was transformed into the female sturgeon. The
elders say the truth of the story is confirmed in the fact that when you cut the head off a
sturgeon, right behind the gills you see that brown piece of meat that almost looks like deer
meat. They say that’s there because that woman, she had deer meat tied around her waist
when she dove into the water and was transformed into a sturgeon.
Naxaxalhts’i (2007:103-104) elaborates upon the connection between Stó:lō people and
skwó:wech: “The sturgeon isn’t just regarded as food and resource, it’s like an ancestor. There’s
a connection there, and the connection is known as shxwelí. Shxwelí is what’s referred to as
spirit or the life force, and everything has that spirit and everything’s connected through that…
What ties us? What ties us to the sturgeon? It’s the shxwelí. The sturgeon has shxwelí, we have
shxwelí. So we’re connected to that.” Carlson (2007:157) argues that the connection to
skwó:wech is more than simply a spiritual connection; it represents a statement of land
ownership and land rights: “Sturgeon fish were found in abundance throughout all of the lower
Fraser River’s lower reaches, meaning that the subsequent high-status men carrying the
sturgeon name were not restricted to living at a specific place. Just as sturgeon roamed the
“River of Rivers” freely, so too could their human relatives and descendants.”

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14.3 Sxwóy:xwey Mask
There once lived a young man who was afflicted with skom (leprosy). He was very ill, and cried
all the time. So burdensome was existence to him that he determined to end his life. So he went
to the lake, which was inhabited by slalkum (a kind of water spirit), with the intention of drowning
himself. Two creeks led out of this lake. Up one of these he went, and as he did so he perceived
a kokuac (sockeye salmon). Thereupon he cut a stick, and having pointed it speared the salmon
with it. He then made a fire, with the intention of eating it. When cooked he laid it on some
leaves and sat contemplating it for some moments. Presently his attention was drawn away
from the salmon, and when he looked again, in place of the fish he perceived a pipaham (frog).
He turned away in disgust and proceeded up the creek to the lake. When he arrived there he
undressed himself on a projecting rock and jumped into the lake. He sank down and lost
consciousness. After a while he came to himself again, and was greatly surprised to find that he
was lying on the rock from which he had a little time before plunged into the water. “Why cannot
I die?” he cried, and shed many more tears again. Presently he determined to cast himself in
again. He took the plunge, and felt himself sinking down into the depth of the lake without losing
consciousness. Down deeper and deeper he went, and presently he found himself lying on the
roof of a house. This was the habitation of the lake people, who were startled by his fall on their
roof, and sent one of their members up to see what was there. He perceived the young man and
reported that a slalakum was there. He was then brought down and treated with great
hospitality.
The siam gave him his daughter to wife. She and other among them were sick. This sickness
had been caused by himself. He had spat in the lake, and his tears had also fallen into the
water. This had caused the sickness to fall upon some of the lake people. It was thus. If any of
the earth people spat in the water it caused sickness among those who lived below. He wiped
off the spittle from the girl and she was straightway cured. In the meantime his parents and the
rest of his family had gone up the river towards Yale to catch and dry salmon. In this lake of the
slalakum lived the Kokuac (Salmon) and the Skelau (Beaver), who wanted to get out into the
Fraser. So they dug and dug, till at last they came up through a hole near Yale. The youth, who
had watched and followed them, also came up at the same place and floated about on the
water. It was death to any person now to look upon him unless healed by himself. Not far from
where he was, his parents and sister were fishing. The latter presently came by, saw him, and
straightway fell sick. He then left the water and went to her and healed her. They then went
home together. When his parents saw him they too fell sick, but he also healed them also. And
so it was with all who came into contact with him. All fell sick because he was a slalkum: for
whoever looked upon a being of this kind became sick unto death. He healed them all so that no
one died because of him. Shortly after, he sent his sister to the lake to fish, and bade her use
feathers for bait, and not to be frightened at anything she heard or saw. She did as he bade her
and threw in her line, and presently felt that the bait had been seized. She drew in the line, and
the water people come up to the surface wearing the sqoiaqi and using the rattle. They danced
awhile and then presented her with the sqoiaqi and cilmuqtcis. After this they descended again,
and she went home with her gifts. Her mother then made a skoam (big basket) in which the girl
put away her presents. At her marriage she was given the sqoiqa and rattle. This incident is
said to have happened at the village of Tliceltalitc, a little above Hope. It is noteworthy, however,
that somewhat different origins are given by other tribes to the sqoiaqi and cilmugtcis. One of
her daughters married an Indian of Musqueam and a decedent married a Cowichan Indian. This
is why the masked dance has established itself in these places.
The strange and distinctive Sxwaixwe mask with its protruding peglike eyes, surmounting
plumes, feather costume, and rattle has been discussed more or less in passing by several
writers. Wingert found that ‘in the quality of its technique and the vigor of its style, “it”compares
favorably with the finest masks form the Northwest Coast region. (1949). And yet, strangely

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enough, the mask seems to have originated not among a tribe with a tradition of such carvings,
but among the comparatively drab Coast Salish, and to have been the only mask which
originated with this group. According to the traditions of its origin, the centre of dispersion of the
mask to the Gulf of Georgia Salish was Musqueam, at the mouth of the Fraser River. This
dispersion occurred with fairly recent times, recent enough that it has not been completely
overlaid and obliterated by myth. Sxwaixwe masks were owned by families of most, if not all of
the Stalo, by Squamish, Cowichan, Nanaimo, Saanich, Lummi, Comox, Slaiamun, Klahuse,
Hamalco, Alberni Nootka, and southern Kwakiutl. A Few of these groups have myths of a local
origin of the mask. The Comox, Cowichan and Saanich, for example, had origin myths involving
their mythical human ancestors or “first men”. Most groups, however, recognized an outside
origin for the mask. The Kwakiutl and Nootka recognized its Salish origin. Slaiamun, Klahuse,
and Homalco acknowledge a Nanaimo –Cowichan source. At least some Cowichan and
Nanaimo recognized Musqueam as its place of origin. According to the story recorded by Mrs.
Cryer, the mask was taken from Musqueam to Penelekut (Kuper Island) by her (aged)
informant’s a historical fact that the sxwaixwe mas spread from Musqueam to other Coast
Salish tribes within the last five generations. Some groups, however have already obscured this
historical fact with an overlay of myth.
Where did the Musqueam obtain the Mask? Despite the fact that they have myths claiming a
local origin, there is evidence that they obtained it from up-river. A Musqueam informant with
whom I briefly discussed the matter knew of two origin legends. According to the other, a man
had caught the sxwaixwe on his fishing –line in Barrard Inlet. The informant knew also that other
near –by tribes had traditions of the sxwaixwe being caught on a fishing –line. Jenness’ Katzie
informant said that the sxwaixwe was given to Tsimlaynuk, the first man at Musqueam, by the
Lord Above. The evidence for the up-river origin of the mask is also traditional. The accounts I
was able to obtain are similar to those which have already been published (see Codere 1947),
but are more detailed and give more historical perspective. The most detailed account of the
origin and early diffusion of the mask was given by Mrs. R.J., whose family owns the right to use
it. Assuming Mrs R.J.’s account to be genealogically accurate, the mask was first obtained five
generations before her own, roughly about 1780. Combining all accounts, the first owner’ sister
took it to Hope, his brother’s daughter to Sumas (and her daughter to Sardis). From Hope or
from Sardis it spread by marriage or plagiary to Musqueam. It is interesting to note that
csimele’lux, who by Mrs.R.J’s account, took the mask to Musqueam, bore the same name as
the “first man” at Musqueam (Tsimlaynuk). Whatever the method, the mask probably reached
Musqueam shortly after 1800. As the mask diffused, so did its origin myth, but both were
changed to accord with the artistic and mythological setting provided by the receiving group. As
nearby as Agassiz the myth changed.

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14.4 Welqamex DiRi-15 (Greenwood Island)
Welqámex (DiRi-15) was first reported in 1956 by Charles Borden. The site is located on
Greenwood Island (Chawathil IR 3) in the Fraser River near Hope. The Halq’emeylem name is
believed to relate to either the island in its entirety, or to the large bay and eddy located just
south of the island. The site is located at an important gatekeeping area, and may have helped
control movement up the Fraser River in precontact times and to the 1848 HBC Fort Hope in
contact times.
The site consists of three activity zones: a large residential area, cemetery, and borrow-pit area.
The residential portion of the site consists of the remains of numerous features, including a
minimum of 12 housepits and 5 plank house platforms. The housepits range in shape from
rounded to square or rectangular, and range in dimensions from 10 m to over 16 m. The largest
recorded housepit in the Fraser Valley is located at this site. The rims are prominent, and
topographic saddles in some rims may suggest subterranean passages between adjacent
housepits. The housepits are arranged behind the plank houses, which are located on the river
front. The plank houses dimensions are difficult to estimate, but a wide range of sizes are
present, from smaller structures to the largest, which is estimated at 35-40 m in length.
The cemetery is located adjacent the residential area, and consisted of numerous burials. Prior
to the 1894 Fraser River flood, most bodies were exhumed from the cemetery and relocated to
Union Bar, American Bar, Katz, and Sqwatets. The island is considered to be a cemetery to this
day, and may still contain remains that were missed during the 1894 exhumation.
DiRi-15 has been the subject of extensive archaeological research (e.g., Graesch 2006;
Lepofsky et al 2009; Schaepe 2009; Dojack 2012). Artifacts recovered comprise of a range of
precontact forms, including ground stone slate knives and chipped stone projectile points, as
well as contact-era objects such as glass, ceramic, and metal materials. The site is presumed
to have been occupied year-round, based on the presence of seasonal food items. Subsurface
testing has produced numerous radiocarbon dates placing the site in the Late and Contact
periods (AD 1300-1894). Historic records indicate the site was occupied until the 1870s or
1880s, but abandoned prior to the 1894 Fraser River flood.
An oral history related by Robert (Bob) Joe tells of one important event in the history of
Welqámex. Joe notes that the island was occupied by both free people and their slaves, who
lived in separate houses and did not intermarry. A time came when the slave population grew
too many, and they were freed. They manufactured rafts from the planks of houses laid across
canoes, and proceeded to float downriver to a location near the confluence of the Harrison River
with the Fraser River. Joe indicates that the inhabitants of Welqámex told downriver tribes not
to interfere, to allow the slaves to pass.

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14.5 Cultural Heritage Overview Impact Assessment Mapbook
The Trans Mountain Expansion Project Cultural Heritage Overview and Impact Assessment
(CHOIA) Map Book is a supplement to the CHOIA Report. It was created with reference to the
guidelines and terminology of the Stó:lō Heritage Policy Manual (2003), and the Heritage
Conservation Act.
The TMEP CHOIA Map Book contains 29 pages of 1:20,000 scale maps that display known
cultural and heritage sites at the time of writing this report that are in close proximity to the
proposed TMEP corridor. Cultural and heritage sites displayed in the map book include
archaeology sites, documented and GIS-modeled travel routes, historic sloughs and channels,
placename areas, resource harvesting areas, settlements, spiritual practice areas, Sxwōxwiyám
areas, and Xá:Xa areas.
This section summarizes the data sources in the map book, describes the methods in how the
data was collected, and describes the spatial analysis used to create the site counts used in the
CHOIA Report.

Data Sources
Spatial data in the map book came primarily from two sources: (1) previously existing data in the
Stó:lō Heritage Database and (2) data collected by the Firelight Group through consultations
with the Peters and Shxw’ōhámel communities. Archaeology site data also came from British
Columbia’s Remote Access to Archaeological Data (RAAD) database (BC Ministry of Forests,
Lands and Natural Resource Operations, 2015).

Methods
Stó:lō Heritage Database
The Stó:lō Heritage Database (SHeD) is a database that contains spatial and attribute data
about Stó:lō cultural and heritage sites. While SHeD is a robust database with a lot of Stó:lō
cultural and heritage data, it is understood that SHeD does not include all information about
Stó:lō culture and heritage and is unable to represent the holistic interconnectedness of all
aspects of Stó:lō heritage. SHeD is a living database and is intended to be added to, amended
and refined over time; it represents only what has been shared and researched at the time of
writing this report.
Information in SHeD has been gathered through the following methods, as appropriate:
(i) documentary review: review of readily available published and unpublished
documents that provide information about (1) historical and current
aboriginal land and resource use, (2) the traditions of Stó:lō First Nations,
(3) non-aboriginal land and resource use, and (4) bio-geo-physical data;

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(ii) transcript review: review of documented interviews from Stó:lō community
members who are knowledgeable about historic and current land use and
sites and of persons who are knowledgeable about Stó:lō traditions;
(iii) interviews: interviews with Stó:lō community members who are
knowledgeable about historic and current land use and sites and of persons
who are knowledgeable about Stó:lō traditions while mapping sites with
geographic information systems (GIS) technologies; and
(iv) field research: research in the field by and with Stó:lō community members
documenting and mapping historic and current sites with mapping
technologies (e.g. global positioning systems [GPS])
Information gathering involved a review of previously recorded site location maps, topographic
maps, aerial maps or photos, development plans, and literature generally applicable to the Study
Area. Sources for this information include local museums and archives, including those housed
at the SRRMC. The Stó:lō Archives includes interviews with Stó:lō elders and others
knowledgeable of the history and traditional use of the concerned Study Area. The Study Area
was also assessed within the framework of the Stó:lō Heritage Management Plan spatial
databases (GIS), housed at the SRRMC.
The following sources of existing cultural heritage resource-related information were used in
addressing the objectives of this CHOIA. These data sets comprise the Stó:lō Heritage
Management Plan (SRRMC 2007), and include:


Documented archaeological sites (B.C. Archaeology and Registry Services
Branch 2010)



Documented Settlements ca. 1800-1880 – Historic Map Inventory (Schaepe
2001)



Documented and projected aboriginal travel routes (Schaepe 1999)



Existing information on Stó:lō Traditional Uses of S’olh Téméxw collected by
previous traditional use studies (Albers 2000; Angelbeck and Schaepe 2004;
Rafter 2001:106-07; Soto 2001; Stó:lō Nation 1998)



Documented Transformation Sites/ Stó:lō Sxwôxwiyám/Cultural Landscape
Features, Spiritual Sites, and Halq’eméylem Place Names (McHalsie 2001)

Firelight Group Data
Data for CHOIA was also provided by the Firelight Group who conducted consultations with the
Peters and Shxw’ōhámel communities for a knowledge and use study project. Details about the
methods used in that project will be provided in the Firelight Group report (unpublished).

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Using data collected by another organization posed one dilemma in that the categories used by
the Firelight Group did not exactly match the categories used by the SRRMC. For this reason,
decisions had to be made on how to represent the Firelight Group data in the CHOIA Map Book.
Table 14-2 shows the categories used by the Firelight Group and how they were converted to a
more general SRRMC Category for display in the map book.
Table 14-2: Firelight to SRRMC Category Conversion
Firelight Group Category

SRRMC Category











Animal Kill Site
Earth Material Collecting Site
Plant and Wood Collecting Site
Trapping
Overnight Site
Canoe Site
Gathering Place
Mountain Goat Wool
Travel Route



Resource Harvesting



Documented Travel Route







Birth Site
Ceremony Site
Sacred Site
Other Cultural Site
Settlement



Spiritual Practice



Settlement




Burial
Death Site



Xá:Xa

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Spatial Analysis
Feature counts were created for cultural and heritage site categories in ESRI ArcMap by
creating a simple model (see Figure 14-1). The model clipped an input layer with the “Clip” tool
to both the proposed corridor and a 2km buffer around the proposed corridor. The “Get Count”
tool was then run on both clipped datasets. This provided counts of how many features for the
input layer were in the proposed corridor and how many features were within 2 km of the
proposed corridor. The count of sites within 2km of the proposed corridor included sites within
the corridor, so the corridor count was subtracted from the 2km buffer count to get the count of
features between the corridor and the buffer. All data was input into an Excel spreadsheet.
Figure 14-1: Feature Count Model

Sources
BC Ministry of Forests, Lands and Natural Resource Operations. (2015). Information on RAAD
– Overview. URL:
http://www.for.gov.bc.ca/archaeology/accessing_archaeological_data/RAAD_overview.htm,
accessed March 20, 2015.
Firelight Group. (unpublished). Peters Band Knowledge and Use Study for Kinder Morgan’s
Proposed Trans Mountain Expansion Project.
Firelight Group. (unpublished). Shxw’ōwhámel Band Knowledge and Use Study for Kinder
Morgan’s Proposed Trans Mountain Expansion Project.

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14.6 Archaeological Impact Assessment of the Trans Mountain Expansion Project on Ohamil
IR 1 Near Hope, BC - Figures
Photo 1: train tracks and Trans Canada
Highway

Photo 2: existing pipeline ROW

Photo 3: bank of old river channel

Photo 4: vegetation and flat terrain

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Photo 5: cultural depressions at DiRj-30

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Photo 6: exposed bank of Fraser River

14.7 Ground Truthing of Aboriginal Trails Along the Proposed Trans Mountain Pipeline Corridor
From Cheam to Sumas (1025-1092 KM) – November 2013/2014
This page intentionally left blank. Document is a separate file as attached.

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