Industrial Worker - Issue #1762, January/February 2014

INDUSTRIAL WORKER
O F F I C I A L N E W S P A P E R oF T H E I N D U S t R I A L Wo R K E R S o F t H E Wo R L D
$2/ £2/ €2 J a n u a r y/ F e b r u a r y 2 0 1 4 # 1 7 6 2 V o l . 1 1 1 N o . 1

Bakers Rising: NYC IWW Bakery Workers Fight For Better Jobs
By Rebecca Hayes On a blustery November morning before Thanksgiving 2013, new IWW members—a diverse group of bakers at Amy’s Bread—kicked off an organizing campaign by marching to the site of the prominent food factory in Queens, N.Y., to voice their demands. Amy’s Bread supplies many of the city’s most exclusive markets, restaurants and grocery stores. The company is enjoying enormous success with an image of responsibility, sustainability, and community orientation. Now, after many long months of organizing in secret, the workers and their allies are joining together to ask Amy’s Bread to live up to their promises. In contrast to the company’s line, these workers need to work two or even three jobs to survive. Even under the company’s Affordable Care Act-compliant plan, workers can’t begin to afford health benefits for their families. Bakery worker Ana Rico said the company’s insurance plan would cost “about half of [her] check,” given her wage of $10.50 an hour. Advancement decisions are completely arbitrary and favoritism is rampant. The workers face degrading treatment from managers, with immigrants and people of color bearing the brunt of it. Workers are pushed to work at unsafe speeds and threatened with the loss of work days if they resist. Broken machines go unfixed. Rico reported workers are “washing hundreds of baking trays by hand each shift because the company refuses to make basic equipment repairs.” In her own words, she is “organizing for common-sense respect.” The workers’ campaign seeks regular raises so they can live on the pay they earn, afford health care and get respect from management every day. At the kickoff in November, in spite of freezing temperatures, a large group of supporters, including many IWW members, turned out to rally around the workers and accompany them as they delivered a petition to the company with their demands. Activists Continued on 6

Organizing: Life And Obituaries: Farewell Counterpoint: Special: Miners’ FWs Justin Vitiello & Labor In The Day Contractualism Should Struggles & British 11 8 Mick Renwick 4 Syndicalism 6-7 Labor Industry Be Avoided

By Geoff Carens The Insomnia Cookies campaign rages on. Workers went on strike in August 2013 and joined the IWW, protesting subminimum wages and lousy working conditions. They demanded $15 per hour, health care, and that management not interfere with union organizing. All four strikers were summarily fired. Ever Cops attack Insomnia picket on Nov. 14. Photo: FW Le Le Lechat since then, the Boston IWW has waged a relentless campaign of of the state to try to crush our campaign. pickets, legal charges and publicity. We’ve There has been a largely disproportionate picketed stores at least 10 times, made a cop presence at our pickets in Cambridge point of visiting them regularly and talking for months as well as efforts to intimidate to workers about the union, and worked picketers. with student allies at Harvard and Boston On Nov. 14, 2013, the cops showed up University to depress cookie sales, with in force. A Harvard University police van significant success! Sales are down, but waited across the street from the store. the company has been using the forces Continued on 7

Police Brutality At IWW Picket In Boston Starbucks Workers Take Global Action

Amy’s Bread workers march in Queens on Nov. 25.

Photo: brandworkers.org

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From the IWW Starbucks Workers Union Workers and their allies at Starbucks and its suppliers hit the streets on the week of Nov. 24, 2013, to demand that company CEO Howard Schultz practice what he preaches: respect workers at his company and at suppliers. In the wake of a report by “24/7 Wall Street,” naming Starbucks as one of the top 10 American povertywage employers, a global Photo: Kassel IWW day of action on Nov. Starbucks action in Kassel, Germany. 25 united factory workers who make produced over $1.4 billion in profit for the Starbucks’ trademark cups with baristas company. So we’re ‘coming together’ on across the world who fill the cups with our own to ask him to spread the wealthcaffeine and sugar concoctions. Actions create good jobs at Starbucks and insist on in 15 to 20 cities highlighted the hypocrisy fairness at its suppliers,” said Samantha of Schultz, who has drawn criticism for Cole, a barista and member of the IWW repeatedly forcing workers to advance his Starbucks Workers Union. political agenda under the “come together” The coalition unites the manufacturslogan, while busting unions when his own ing workers at Pactiv who make Starbucks employees “came together” for a voice on cups in Stockton and are fighting cuts to the job, and sourcing from companies that pay and benefits along with Chilean barisdo the same. tas who recently struck to bring Starbucks “Pactiv in Stockton, Calif., makes cups into compliance with collective bargaining and packaging for Starbucks and fast food law, and U.S. baristas who are demanding companies. Starbucks has the power to fair pay, consistent scheduling, and an end stop Pactiv from cutting our wages and to understaffing at the chain. The workers benefits and threatening our middle class are members of four different independent way of life. They need to ensure that all unions and a workers’ center—the Associaworkers at its stores and suppliers are tion of Western Pulp and Paper Workers paid a living wage and treated fairly. We (AWPPW), Sindicato de Starbucks Chile are ‘coming together’ to ask Starbucks and the IWW Starbucks Workers Union. CEO Howard Schultz for help. And we will “We have a message for the American keep doing what it takes to defend workers’ people. The corporate elites who led us rights at Starbucks and its suppliers,” said into the economic crisis of the past six Casey Freeman, President of the Pactiv years will not be the people who will lead Union in Stockton. us back out. We need to come together as “Starbucks CEO Howard Schultz workers, for workers, to fight for a better is part of the problem in America. He life for everyone,” said Greg Jones of the gobbled up $28.9 million in pay last year AWPPW. “Our movement is growing. This alone while we baristas made less than is just the beginning.” $9 an hour on average, even though we Read more on page 5

Page 2 • Industrial Worker • January/February 2014

Americorps Workers Should Be Employees, Not “Volunteers”
Letters Welcome!
By Alex Lotorto We’ve heard the working conditions at Walmart and fast-food jobs were bad, but have you heard about AmeriCorps? Check out this email that IWW delegate Alex Lotorto sent to a Public Allies’ fundraiser (Public Allies is an AmeriCorps program). Hello, As an alumni of Public Allies and during my time in the program, I became very aware of the ambiguous employment status of Public Allies and AmeriCorps members at large. I’ve concluded AmeriCorps workers need to be classified as employees and given the rights of employees for me to support the program vocally or financially. Currently, the only rights under labor law afforded to AmeriCorps workers are the Family Medical Leave Act and Workers’ Compensation. Rights that are denied include harassment and discrimination protection by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) protection, the right to form a union, the right to unemployment compensation, and the right to access state labor departments to resolve wage disputes and harassment at the state level. This problem stems from a single clause in the National and Community Service Act, which states that AmeriCorps members will not be considered federal employees [SEC 199M (b)(1)]. In addition, courts hearing cases about worker misclassification in regard to AmeriCorps have stated, in the instance of unemployment compensation, that states can afford members their rights, but AmeriCorps members are not protected federally [US DOL 1995]. A simple re-writing of that clause would provide AmeriCorps workers with hard-fought-for workplace rights. With 75,000 AmeriCorps members participating every year, surely there are instances of harassment or workplace hazards that should be reported to the EEOC or OSHA. Surely workers should enjoy the basic protections of the National Labor Relations Act and Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which allow unionization. AmeriCorps workers should be able to access unemployment compensation at the end of their terms when they are laid off due to lack of work, just like any construction trades worker or temp worker can.

Send your letters to: [email protected] with “Letter” in the subject. Mailing Address: Industrial Worker, P.O. Box 180195, Chicago, IL 60618, United States.

Get the Word Out!
IWW members, branches, job shops and other affiliated bodies can get the word out about their project, event, campaign or protest each month in the Industrial Worker. Send announcements to iw@ iww.org. Much appreciated donations for the following sizes should be sent to: IWW GHQ, Post Office Box 180195, Chicago, IL 60618, United States. $12 for 1” tall, 1 column wide $40 for 4” by 2 columns $90 for a quarter page

I have witnessed and experienced instances of injustice due to this misclassification. It’s something high on my list of concerns for my generation. The scenario contributes to the larger narrative regarding “millenials” being subject to job insecurity through a terrible job market and common labor practices like unpaid internships, canvassing for a commission, independent contractor status, and working on political campaigns. A simple classification as “employee” may only provide marginal improvement in the working conditions of AmeriCorps, but it would transform the narrative and trajectory of injustice for young people. We live in an age in which we condemn Walmart and fast-food companies for their working conditions, yet many people who consider themselves leftists turn a blind eye to what’s going on in one of their most beloved programs: AmeriCorps. In fact, a worker at Walmart or McDonald’s enjoys more workplace protections and job security than a 20-something AmeriCorps worker. Please consider making this employee misclassification issue a priority before seeking my support again. Thank you.

Industrial Worker
The Voice of Revolutionary Industrial Unionism
Africa

IWW directory
Uganda IWW Kabale Uganda: Justus Tukwasibwe Weijagye, P.O. Box 217, Kabale , Uganda, East Africa. jkweijagye[at]yahoo.com

OrGANiZAtioN EDuCAtioN EMANCiPAtioN
Official newspaper of the Post Office Box 180195 Chicago, IL 60618 USA 773.728.0996 • [email protected] www.iww.org GENERAL SECRETARY-TREAsURER: Monika Vykoukal GENERAL EXECUTIVE BOARD: Sam Green, Jason Krpan, DJ Alperovitz, Brian Latour, Ryan G., Montigue Magruder, Katie Jennings EDITOR & GRAPHIC DEsIgNER: Diane Krauthamer [email protected] PROOFREADERs: Maria Rodriguez Gil, Afreen Azim, Jerome Baxter, Anthony Cage, Jonathan D. Beasley, Jacob Brent, Mathieu Dube, Neil Parthun, Skylaar Amann, Chris Heffner, Billy O’Connor, Eric Wind, David Patrick, Joel Gosse, Zachary Snowdon Smith PRINTER: Globe Direct/Boston Globe Media Millbury, MA Next deadline is February 7, 2014

Australia

INDUSTRiAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD

New South Wales Sydney GMB: [email protected]. Laura, del., [email protected]. Newcastle: [email protected] Woolongong: [email protected] Lismore: [email protected] Queensland Brisbane: P.O. Box 5842, West End, Qld 4101. [email protected]. Asger, del., happyanarchy@riseup. net South Australia Adelaide: [email protected], www.wobbliesSA. org. Jesse, del., 0432 130 082 Victoria Melbourne: P.O. Box 145, Moreland, VIC 3058. [email protected], www.iwwmelbourne. wordpress.com. Loki, del., lachlan.campbell.type@ gmail.com Geelong: [email protected] Western Australia Perth GMB: P.O. Box 1, Cannington WA 6987. [email protected]. Bruce, del.,coronation78@hotmail. com

Canada

IW, Post Office Box 180195, Chicago, IL 60618, United States
ISSN 0019-8870 Periodicals postage paid Chicago, IL. Postmaster: Send address changes to IW, Post Office Box 180195, Chicago, IL 60618 USA SUBSCRIPTIONS Individual Subscriptions: $18 International Subscriptions: $30 Library/Institution Subs: $30/year Union dues includes subscription. Published monthly with the exception of February and August. Articles not so designated do not reflect the IWW’s official position. Press Date: December 23, 2013

U.S. IW mailing address:

IWW Canadian Regional Organizing Committee (CANROC): [email protected] Alberta Edmonton GMB: P.O. Box 4197, T6E 4T2. edmontongmb@ iww.org, edmonton.iww.ca. British Columbia Vancouver GMB: 204-2274 York Ave., V6K 1C6. 604-732-9613. [email protected]. www. vancouveriww.com Vancouver Island GMB: Box 297 St. A, Nanaimo BC, V9R 5K9. [email protected]. http://vanislewobs.wordpress. com Manitoba Winnipeg GMB: IWW, c/o WORC, P.O. Box 1, R3C 2G1. 204-299-5042, [email protected] New Brunswick Fredericton: [email protected], frederictoniww.wordpress.com Ontario Ottawa-Outaouais GMB & GDC Local 6: 1106 Wellington St., P.O. Box 36042, Ottawa, K1Y 4V3. [email protected], [email protected] Ottawa Panhandlers Union: Karen Crossman, spokesperson, 613-282-7968, [email protected] Peterborough: c/o PCAP, 393 Water St. #17, K9H 3L7, 705-749-9694. Sean Carleton, del., 705-775-0663, [email protected] Toronto GMB: c/o Libra Knowledge & Information Svcs Co-op, P.O. Box 353 Stn. A, M5W 1C2. 416-919-7392. [email protected]. Max Bang, del., nowitstime610@ gmail.com Windsor GMB: c/o WWAC, 328 Pelissier St., N9A 4K7. (519) 564-8036. [email protected]. http:// windsoriww.wordpress.com Québec Montreal GMB: cp 60124, Montréal, QC, H2J 4E1. 514268-3394. [email protected]

Northern England RO: [email protected] Southern England RO: [email protected] Southeast England RO: [email protected] Wales: [email protected] Cymru Wales GMB: [email protected] British Isles Health Workers IU 610: [email protected] Pizza Hut Workers IU 640: [email protected] Sheffield Education Workers: [email protected] London Bus Drivers: [email protected] London Cleaners: [email protected] Bradford GMB: [email protected] Bristol GMB: [email protected] Leeds GMB: [email protected] London GMB: [email protected] Manchester GMB: [email protected] Nottingham: [email protected] Reading GMB: [email protected] Sheffield GMB: [email protected] Sussex GMB: [email protected] West Midlands GMB: [email protected] York GMB: [email protected] Scotland Clydeside GMB: [email protected] Dumfries and Galloway GMB: [email protected] Edinburgh GMB: [email protected] Belgium Floris De Rycker, Sint-Bavoplein 7, 2530 Boechout, Belgium. [email protected] German Language Area IWW German Language Area Regional Organizing Committee (GLAMROC): IWW, Haberweg 19, 61352 Bad Homburg, Germany. [email protected]. www. wobblies.de Austria: [email protected], [email protected]. www.iwwaustria.wordpress.com. Berlin: Offenes Treffen jeden 2.Montag im Monat im Cafe Commune, Reichenberger Str.157, 10999 Berlin, 18 Uhr. (U-Bahnhof Kottbusser Tor). Postadresse: IWW Berlin, c/o Rotes Antiquariat, Rungestr. 20, 10179 Berlin, Germany. [email protected]. Bremen: [email protected]. iwwbremen. blogsport.de Cologne/Koeln GMB: c/o Allerweltshaus, Koernerstr. 77-79, 50823 Koeln, Germany. [email protected]. www.iwwcologne.wordpress.com Frankfurt - Eurest: IWW Betriebsgruppe Eurest Haberweg 19 D- 61352 Bad Homburg. harald.stubbe@ yahoo.de. Hamburg-Waterkant: [email protected] Kassel: [email protected]. www.wobblies-kassel. de Munich: [email protected] Rostock: [email protected]. iww-rostock.net Switzerland: [email protected] Iceland: Jamie McQuilkin,del.,Stangarholti 26 Reykjavik 105. +354 7825894. [email protected] Lithuania: [email protected] Netherlands: [email protected] Norway IWW: 004793656014. [email protected]. http://www.iwwnorge.org, www.facebook.com/iwwnorge. Twitter: @IWWnorge

United States

Europe

European Regional Administration (ERA): P.O. Box 7593 Glasgow, G42 2EX. www.iww.org.uk ERA Officers, Departments, Committees Access Facilitator (disabilities issues): [email protected] Communications Officer / Comms Dept Chair: [email protected] GLAMROC Liaison: [email protected] Internal Bulletin: [email protected] International Solidarity Committee: international@iww. org.uk Literature Committee: [email protected] Membership Administrator: [email protected] Merchandise Committee: [email protected] Organising and Bargaining Support Department: [email protected] Research and Survey Department: [email protected] / [email protected] National Secretary: [email protected] Support for people having trouble with GoCardless signup: [email protected] IT Committee (all IT related enquiries): [email protected] Training Department: [email protected] National Treasurer: [email protected] Regional Organisers Central England RO: [email protected] Central Scotland RO: [email protected], [email protected]

Alaska Fairbanks GMB: P. O. Box 80101, 99708. Chris White, del., 907-457-2543, [email protected]. Arizona Phoenix GMB: P.O. Box 7126, 85011-7126. 623-3361062. [email protected] Flagstaff IWW: 206-327-4158, [email protected] Arkansas Fayetteville: P.O. Box 283, 72702. 479-200-1859. [email protected] California Los Angeles GMB: (323) 374-3499. iwwgmbla@gmail. com Sacramento IWW: 916-825-0873, iwwsacramento@ gmail.com San Diego IWW: 619-630-5537, [email protected] San Francisco Bay Area GMB: (Curbside and Buyback IU 670 Recycling Shops; Stonemountain Fabrics Job Shop and IU 410 Garment and Textile Worker’s Industrial Organizing Committee; Shattuck Cinemas; Embarcadero Cinemas) P.O. Box 11412, Berkeley, 94712. 510-8450540. [email protected] IU 520 Marine Transport Workers: Steve Ongerth, del., [email protected] Evergreen Printing: 2412 Palmetto Street, Oakland 94602. 510-482-4547. [email protected] San Jose: [email protected], www.facebook. com/SJSV.IWW Colorado Denver GMB: 2727 West 27th Ave., Unit D, 80211. 303355-2032. [email protected] Four Corners (AZ, CO, NM, UT): 970-903-8721, 4corners@ iww.org

DC Washington DC GMB: P.O. Box 1303, 20013. 202-6309620. [email protected], www.dciww.org, www. facebook.com/dciww Florida Gainesville GMB: c/o Civic Media Center, 433 S. Main St., 32601. Robbie Czopek, del., 904-315-5292, [email protected], www.gainesvilleiww.org Miami IWW: [email protected] Hobe Sound: P. Shultz, 8274 SE Pine Circle, 33455-6608. 772-545-9591, [email protected] Pensacola GMB: P.O. Box 2662, 32513-2662. 840-4371323, [email protected], www.angelfire.com/ fl5/iww Georgia Atlanta GMB: P.O. Box 5390, 31107. 678-964-5169, [email protected], www.atliww.org Hawaii Honolulu: Tony Donnes, del., [email protected] Idaho Boise: Ritchie Eppink, del., P.O. Box 453, 83701. 208-3719752, [email protected] Illinois Chicago GMB: P.O. Box 15384, 60615. 312-638-9155, [email protected] Indiana Indiana GMB: 219-308-8634. [email protected]. Facebook: Indiana IWW Iowa Eastern Iowa IWW: 319-333-2476. EasternIowaIWW@ gmail.com Kansas Greater Kansas City/Lawrence GMB: 816-875-6060. [email protected] Wichita: Naythan Smith, del., 316-633-0591. [email protected] Louisiana Louisiana IWW: John Mark Crowder, del.,126 Kelly Lane, Homer, 71040. 318-224-1472. [email protected] Maine Maine IWW: 207-619-0842. [email protected], www. southernmaineiww.org Maryland Baltimore GMB: P.O. Box 33350, 21218. baltimoreiww@ gmail.com Massachusetts Boston Area GMB: P.O. Box 391724, Cambridge, 02139. 617-863-7920, [email protected], www.IWWBoston.org Cape Cod/SE Massachusetts: [email protected] Western Mass. Public Service IU 650 Branch: IWW, P.O. Box 1581, Northampton, 01061 Michigan Detroit GMB: 4210 Trumbull Blvd., 48208. detroit@ iww.org. Grand Rapids GMB: P.O. Box 6629, 49516. 616-881-5263. [email protected] Grand Rapids Bartertown Diner and Roc’s Cakes: 6 Jefferson St., 49503. [email protected], www. bartertowngr.com Central Michigan: 5007 W. Columbia Rd., Mason 48854. 517-676-9446, [email protected] Minnesota Red River GMB: [email protected], redriveriww@gmail. com Twin Cities GMB: 3019 Minnehaha Ave. South, Suite 50, Minneapolis 55406. [email protected] Duluth IWW: P.O. Box 3232, 55803. iwwduluth@riseup. net Missouri Greater Kansas City IWW: P.O. Box 414304, Kansas City 64141-4304. 816.875.6060. [email protected] St. Louis IWW: P.O. Box 63142, 63163. stlwobbly@gmail. com Montana Construction Workers IU 330: Dennis Georg, del., 406490-3869, [email protected] Billings: Jim Del Duca, 106 Paisley Court, Apt. I, Bozeman 59715. 406-860-0331. [email protected] Nebraska Nebraska GMB: P.O. Box 27811, Ralston, 68127. [email protected]. www.nebraskaiww.org Nevada Reno GMB: P.O. Box 12173, 89510. Paul Lenart, del., 775-513-7523, [email protected] IU 520 Railroad Workers: Ron Kaminkow, del., P.O. Box 2131, Reno, 89505. 608-358-5771. ronkaminkow@ yahoo.com New Hampshire New Hampshire IWW: Paul Broch, del.,112 Middle St. #5, Manchester 03101. 603-867-3680 . [email protected] New Jersey Central New Jersey GMB: P.O. Box 10021, New Brunswick, 08906. 732-692-3491. [email protected]. Bob Ratynski, del., 908-285-5426. www.newjerseyiww.org

New Mexico Albuquerque GMB: P.O. Box 4892, 87196-4892. 505569-0168, [email protected] New York New York City GMB: 45-02 23rd Street, Suite #2, Long Island City,11101. [email protected]. www.wobblycity. org Starbucks Campaign: iwwstarbucksunion@gmail. com, www.starbucksunion.org Hudson Valley GMB: P.O. Box 48, Huguenot 12746, 845342-3405, [email protected], http://hviww.blogspot. com/ Syracuse IWW: [email protected] Upstate NY GMB: P.O. Box 235, Albany 12201-0235, 518-833-6853 or 518-861-5627. www.upstate-nyiww. org, [email protected], Rochelle Semel, del., P.O. Box 172, Fly Creek 13337, 607-293-6489, [email protected] Utica IWW: Brendan Maslauskas Dunn, del., 315-2403149. [email protected] North Carolina Carolina Mountains GMB: P.O. Box 1005, 28802. 828407-1979. [email protected] Greensboro GMB: P. O. Box 5022, 27435. 1-855-IWW-4GSO (855-499-4476). [email protected] North Dakota Red River GMB: [email protected], redriveriww@gmail. com Ohio Mid-Ohio GMB: c/o Riffe, 4071 Indianola Ave., Columbus 43214. [email protected] Northeast Ohio GMB: P.O. Box 141072, Cleveland 44114. 440-941-0999 Ohio Valley GMB: P.O. Box 6042, Cincinnati 45206, 513510-1486, [email protected] Sweet Patches Screenprinting IU 410 Job Shop: [email protected] Oklahoma Tulsa: P.O. Box 213, Medicine Park 73557, 580-529-3360 Oregon Lane GMB: Ed Gunderson, del., 541-743-5681. x355153@ iww.org, www.eugeneiww.org Portland GMB: 2249 E Burnside St., 97214, 503-2315488. [email protected], portlandiww.org Portland Red and Black Cafe: 400 SE 12th Ave, 97214. 503-231-3899. [email protected]. www. redandblackcafe.com Pennsylvania Lancaster IWW: P.O. Box 352, 17608. 717-559-0797. [email protected] Lehigh Valley GMB: P.O. Box 1477, Allentown, 181051477. 484-275-0873. [email protected]. www. facebook.com/lehighvalleyiww Paper Crane Press IU 450 Job Shop: 610-358-9496. [email protected], www.papercranepress.com Pittsburgh GMB: P.O. Box 5912,15210. 412-894-0558. [email protected] Rhode Island Providence GMB: P.O. Box 5795, 02903. 508-367-6434. [email protected] Tennessee Mid-Tennessee IWW: Lara Jennings, del., 106 N. 3rd St., Clarksville, 37040. 931-206-3656. Jonathan Beasley, del., 2002 Post Rd., Clarksville, 37043 931-220-9665. Texas El Paso IWW: Sarah Michelson, del., 314-600-2762. [email protected] Golden Triangle IWW (Beaumont - Port Arthur): [email protected] South Texas IWW: [email protected] Utah Salt Lake City GMB: P.O. Box 1227, 84110. 801-8719057. [email protected] Vermont Burlington GMB: P.O. Box 8005, 05402. 802-540-2541 Virginia Richmond IWW: P.O. Box 7055, 23221. 804-496-1568. [email protected], www.richmondiww.org Washington Tacoma GMB: P.O. Box 7276, 98401. [email protected]. http://tacoma.iww.org/ Seattle GMB: 1122 E. Pike #1142, 98122-3934. 206-3394179. [email protected]. www.seattleiww.org Wisconsin Madison GMB: P.O. Box 2442, 53701-2442. www. madison.iww.org IUB 560 - Communications and Computer Workers: P.O. Box 259279, Madison 53725. 608-620-IWW1. [email protected]. www.Madisoniub560.iww.org Lakeside Press IU 450 Job Shop: 1334 Williamson, 53703. 608-255-1800. Jerry Chernow, del., jerry@ lakesidepress.org. www.lakesidepress.org Madison Infoshop Job Shop:1019 Williamson St. #B, 53703. 608-262-9036 Just Coffee Job Shop IU 460: 1129 E. Wilson, Madison, 53703. 608-204-9011, justcoffee.coop Railroad Workers IU 520: 608-358-5771. railfalcon@ yahoo.com Milwaukee GMB: 1750A N Astor St., 53207. Trevor Smith, 414-573-4992 Northwoods IWW: P.O. Box 452, Stevens Point, 54481

January/February 2014 • Industrial Worker • Page 3

Rank & File Organizing

Independent Truckers Make Their Voices Heard At Port Of Oakland
By Jonathan Nack, Indybay Independent truckers staged a job action that slowed work at the Port of Oakland on Wednesday, Nov. 27, 2013. It was the truckers’ third job action since August. The Port of Oakland Truckers Association (POTA) called for a strike at Stevedoring Services of America’s (SSA) terminal, one of the largest and busiest at the Port. In a press release, POTA said the strike was called, “in protest of unsafe working conditions and unfair labor practices by terminal owners and Port of Oakland management.” Picketers began gathering in the darkness before 5 a.m. Approximately 100 independent truckers, many sporting their POTA shirts, were joined by at least that many community and labor supporters at the entrances of the SSA terminal. One picket sign read, “Don’t make Truckers Pay the Bill,” another said, “CARB Extend the Deadline.” These signs are references to the California Air Resources Board’s (CARB) regulation that requires all truck engines manufactured before 2007 to be upgraded to meet air quality standards. One trucker estimated the cost of the required upgrades at between $60,000 and $80,000 per truck and said many truck drivers can’t afford it. Profit margins for independent truckers are notoriously small. Many independents are struggling. Many others go under. It’s such a difficult way to make a living that companies are constantly looking for more independents, as evidenced by the many signs hanging from fences of the Port advertising for them by companies such as P&R Trucking, Lengner & Sons and Mutual Express Company. Other picket signs on Wednesday read, “Long lines = Bad air,” and “Community and Truckers United.” These referred to the huge problem of bad air quality at the Port. Air pollution affects not only everyone who works at the Port, but surrounding communities in West Oakland, which
The working class and the employing class have nothing in common. There can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of working people and the few, who make up the employing class, have all the good things of life. Between these two classes a struggle must go on until the workers of the world organize as a class, take possession of the means of production, abolish the wage system, and live in harmony with the earth. We find that the centering of the management of industries into fewer and fewer hands makes the trade unions unable to cope with the ever-growing power of the employing class. The trade unions foster a state of affairs which allows one set of workers to be pitted against another set of workers in the same industry, thereby helping defeat one another in wage wars. Moreover, the trade unions aid the employing class to mislead the workers into the belief that the working class have interests in common with their employers. These conditions can be changed and the interest of the working class upheld only by an organization formed in such a way that all its members in any one industry, or all industries if necessary, cease work whenever a strike or lockout is on in any department thereof, thus making an injury to one an injury to all. Instead of the conservative motto, “A fair day’s wage for a fair day’s work,” we must inscribe on our banner the revolutionary watchword, “Abolition of the wage system.” It is the historic mission of the working class to do away with capitalism. The army of production must be organized, not only for the everyday struggle with capitalists, but also to carry on production when capitalism shall have been overthrown. By organizing industrially we are forming the structure of the new society within the shell of the old.

IWW Constitution Preamble

of picketers. At least one person picketing was struck by the vehicle of a terminal employee crossing the picket line, and as of 10:30 a.m., there were five arrests. Those arrested were cited and released. One police officer was injured when a car crossing the truckers’ picket line ran over his foot.” There was no violence by picketers. Indybay.org reported that there were 50 Oakland police officers on the scene. “The police were pushing us Picketers block terminal entrance. Photo: indybay.org off the picket lines even though the judge said it’s illegal. After last time, and Warehouse Union (ILWU) Local 10 when they hit people with batons, people crossed the picket line at the SSA termiwere afraid, but they kept moving to hold nal. POTA was disappointed that Local 10 the lines,” said local trucker Jose Gomez. didn’t honor the picket lines. POTA’s press release said, “Some It was a surprising response from truckers who crossed picket lines today Local 10, which has historically honored claimed they faced retaliation from their picket lines in support of progressive companies. During the last work stop- struggles. It was particularly surprising, page, notoriously bad trucking dispatch since Local 10’s membership meeting had company GSC charged their drivers illegal voted to honor all POTA picket lines. demurrage fees for honoring picket lines. According to Stan Woods, a member When drivers refused to pay, they found of ILWU Local 6 who attended Local 10’s deductions in their pay checks. While membership meeting as an observer, the some long-distance truckers and employee membership had voted 73-to-39 to honor drivers crossed picket lines, the vast ma- POTA picket lines. It was hotly debated. jority of independent contractor truckers There were strong feelings on both sides. picketed or refused to take loads today.” A contingent from POTA attended the “At 10 a.m. most of the supporters, union’s meeting and Frank Adams of media and police trickled out, while more POTA spoke at the meeting. In the end, truckers gathered at the primary SSA the union’s membership voted to act in trucker entrance and resumed pickets solidarity with POTA by honoring their on their own. Without the heavy police picket lines, according to Woods. presence that accompanied activists and Members of Local 10 said they called a supporters, they were able to hold the union telephone recording daily and that, picket lines at SSA,” according to POTA’s on Nov. 27, this recording told them to go press release. to work. One member claimed that the “When the local drivers won’t work, membership’s vote to honor the picket line the Port won’t work. Even if we are not was not followed because, “the memberthe majority group of truckers servicing ship was misled. These guys are not union, the port, we do the majority of the work,” they [POTA] said they’ll never go union.” said Roberto Ruiz, another local driver. There were some of the independent Part of the independent truckers’ truckers who did work the Port on Nov. action was not as effective as planned. 27 who were nevertheless supportive of Members of the International Longshore POTA’s protest. Baijer Singh told KTVU News that he didn’t join the job action because he he IWW is a union for all workers, a union dedicated to organizing on the couldn’t afford to. “I need to pay my bills,” job, in our industries and in our communities both to win better conditions Singh told KTVU. Singh said he believes today and to build a world without bosses, a world in which production and the work action is important because the distribution are organized by workers ourselves to meet the needs of the entire Port of Oakland “is not listening” to the population, not merely a handful of exploiters. truckers’ concerns. Singh said he and We are the Industrial Workers of the World because we organize industrially ­ – other truckers often have to wait up to that is to say, we organize all workers on the job into one union, rather than dividing five hours to pick up loads at the Port and workers by trade, so that we can pool our strength to fight the bosses together. they aren’t compensated for the time they Since the IWW was founded in 1905, we have recognized the need to build a spend waiting. truly international union movement in order to confront the global power of the For more information on POTA, visit: bosses and in order to strengthen workers’ ability to stand in solidarity with our felhttp://www.oaklandporttruckers.wordlow workers no matter what part of the globe they happen to live on. press.com. For more information on Port We are a union open to all workers, whether or not the IWW happens to have Truckers Solidarity, visit: http://www. representation rights in your workplace. We organize the worker, not the job, recogsolidarityinmotion.org, http://facebook. nizing that unionism is not about government certification or employer recognition com/pages/Port-Truckers-Solidarity and but about workers coming together to address our common concerns. Sometimes http://facebook.com/Transportationthis means striking or signing a contract. Sometimes it means refusing to work with WorkersSolidarityCommittee. an unsafe machine or following the bosses’ orders so literally that nothing gets done. This piece originally appeared on IndySometimes it means agitating around particular issues or grievances in a specific bay.org and was reprinted with permisworkplace, or across an industry. sion via the San Francisco Bay Area InBecause the IWW is a democratic, member-run union, decisions about what isdependent Media Center copyright policy. sues to address and what tactics to pursue are made by the workers directly involved.

have high rates of cancer and asthma. Picketers from the community supported POTA’s demands because they agreed it was unfair to put the burden on independent truckers. It was the bad air at the Port that caused the CARB to set more stringent regulations on diesel engines. POTA says many independent truckers can’t afford the upgrades. With trucking dispatch companies and the Port making huge profits, truckers say these wealthy institutions should pay for the upgrades, not them. Most of the corporate media’s coverage of the Nov. 27 action at the Port emphasized the fact that POTA is protesting the CARB’s regulation and is demanding at least a one-year delay in the deadline. The mainstream media coverage all but implied that truckers don’t care about the air quality. This is obviously untrue. The truckers are among those most affected by the bad air at the Port. The issue is not about upgrading diesel engines, it’s about who should pay for it. POTA is also pressing for additional pay—a congestion fee—when they are forced to wait at the Port for a load for reasons beyond the truckers’ control. Idling and waiting due to inefficiency at the Port is another major cause of air pollution. Accounts of the impact of the job action varied sharply. The San Francisco Business Times reported that the Port management said that demonstrators were cleared from SSA Terminals by 9 a.m. and that no other port terminals were affected. POTA claimed truck traffic was down by 90 percent. POTA issued a press release midday on Nov. 27 providing a detailed description of the morning’s action (see http://oaklandporttruckers.wordpress. com/2013/11/27/mid-day-press-releasefrom-port-truckers/). POTA reported, “Primary pickets were set up at the four SSA terminal gates beginning at 5 a.m., but due to violent police action, lines began migrating between gates to prevent arrest and detainment

T

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Page 4 • Industrial Worker • January/February 2014

By Liberte Locke You’ve gotten your red card, attended several organizer trainings, countless branch meetings and union socials. You’ve gone to events where you have heard organizers tell their stories and have subscribed to their blogs, Facebook pages and Twitter feeds. You’ve read all the labor books you can find. You’ve signed every petition and attended every picket. All this and you still feel like everything is two steps forward and six steps back in your workplace organizing. You want to proudly work wearing that union label. You want success for the big reasons: capitalism keeps us enslaved. And for the smaller reasons that nag you in your sleep: people who matter to you think you’re ridiculous for doing any of this. Sharing victories adds legitimacy. We have to believe that we can do this work. We have to know that as fact. We all have our feelings of isolation in this world: feeling not good enough, that our bodies or minds aren’t right, and that we made the wrong choices. We have lifelong battles to accept ourselves or to ignore how much we don’t accept ourselves. Confidence is not something focused on in U.S. culture. This society relies on making you not feel good enough in order to push you into spending your last dime on something that you believe can make you stronger, prettier, smarter or sexier. Then there’s the very nature of subservient work: you’re placed into a job with “superiors” that are younger than you (I’m 31 and have a 19-year-old supervisor) or have less experience than you. We’re told that these people are inherently worth more than we are to the job and the world in general. We’re supposed to follow work orders without question, often to the point of injury or death. You have been told that you are worth little but actually believe in your bones that you are worth something. You have contributions to make to the world through your community, your family, and your job(s). You can act against capitalism. It serves the bosses to hate ourselves. In order to get our co-workers to fight together, we have to believe we can. The majority of your co-workers, like you, have had a lifetime of having their self-esteem chipped away at. We have been broken down by authority figures our whole lives, be they police, classmates, housemates, intimate partners, parents, teachers, social workers and our bosses. We’re broken and molded into participating in this system that we never chose. We work ourselves to death in order to buy goods and services

When Organizing Your Workplace Feels Utterly Impossible
that we then use to keep ourselves functioning enough to keep working. Working students are working their way through school in order to get that next job, if careers even exist anymore. They are often disheartened to learn that all the crap that they went through at their old job exists at their new one. For folks that grew up poor, confidence is much harder to come by. We grew up watching our parents struggle. We promised ourselves and them that we would find a path out of this poverty and that we would take them with us. We feel guilty for not doing better by ourselves and by our families. We swear to everyone that we’ll work hard and it will “pay off.” We pull hard at our bootstraps to watch the system snip the line time and again and we keep pulling. This cycle can end with us. We have to believe. We keep looking up for instruction when we should be looking to those at our side: our neighbors, our friends, and our co-workers. Their ideas, like ours, are worthwhile. If you don’t believe you are capable of organizing then your co-workers won’t believe it either. When I came into the IWW Starbucks Workers Union I had some large shoes to fill. I was afraid. I felt alone and ill-prepared. For the first couple of years of organizing most of my actions were decided by asking myself what I felt could turn into a “badass story.” Will I be the mouse or the lion? I don’t care about how arrogant that sounds. I needed some arrogance to counter my low self-esteem. I also don’t care because it worked. I found myself shaking when talking to the boss. I was saying things I knew we weren’t “allowed” to say and refusing to be mistreated. These showdowns with bosses led to getting what I wanted on the job. Once a busser overheard a district manager say that they needed to make sure the union knew “whose house this is.” The shop committee then started declaring at work, “Whose house is this? This is our house.” We made constant references to the bosses being “guests in our home.” It was a huge confidence-builder. Walk into your job like you own it. It can’t operate without you. It’s important to exude confidence, even if you don’t feel confident. Try, even if it feels hopeless, because without the effort you’ve accepted defeat. And if you feel unable, then what hope do you have to offer your co-workers? Workers have been organizing in various forms for hundreds of years. Many of them haven’t had the resources and support you can have access to in the IWW. If they could, and can, do it, then so can you.

By Juan Conatz This is in response to FW Matt Muchowski’s article titled “The Contract As A Tactic,” which appeared on page 4 of the December 2013 Industrial Worker. While I disagree with most of it, this piece is the most coherent justification of contractualism for the IWW I’ve seen. The reasons behind going for a contract are very rarely talked about in this way, so the article is worth taking seriously and considering the author’s points. FW Muchowski correctly asserts that the IWW has a legacy of no contracts; however, he attributes this to the lack of “legal structure(s) for unions to win legal recognition. On IWW.org, a similar explanation is given. This explanation is wrong, though. The IWW’s views on contracts have always been more sophisticated than what the labor law of the day has been. Overall, contracts have been regarded with great suspicion. This has had little to do with the existence of “legal structures” (most of which we were against or critical of) and more to do with an analysis of what contractualism would lead to. The author then goes on to blame the disintegrating presence of the IWW in Lawrence after the 1912 “Bread and Roses” strike on not having a contract.

Contractualism Should Be Avoided

Graphic: Mike Konopacki

This is usually what anti-Wobbly liberal and Communist Party-sympathetic labor historians say, so it’s a little surprising to see this opinion expressed in the IW. It’s also an absolutely inadequate explanation of what happened. If the ongoing presence of the IWW so relied on having a formal, legal contract with the employers, then how could Local 8—the IWW dockworkers of Philadelphia who went on strike in May 1913—exist? Local 8, for most of its era, operated without a contract. The difference between Local 8 and the textile strikers in Lawrence, however, was one of organization. The Lawrence model was to throw a supporting cast of organizers into a situation that was already on the verge of blowing up; it was a “hot shop,” in other words. Local 8, on the other hand, built an organization with a purpose and from the ground up. Local 8, along with many other noncontractual models, offers an antidote to the false and seemingly dishonest dichotomy that is often set up when talking about this issue, which is contractualism versus all-out revolution. No one who argues against or is suspicious of formal, legal agreements with employers is necessarily drawing up blueprints for the barricades. Similarly, Muchowski frames anti-

contractualism as “ideological” while what he advocates is not. Suggesting that a position is “ideological” and therefore extreme or irrational is a common rhetorical trick in politics, and it works well as it appeals to what is assumed to be “common sense.” But just because it’s a neat and effective trick does not mean that what it is expressing is true. The use of ideology, or examples of it, as a swear word, means that it is something that is based on beliefs rather than reality or experience. But being against or suspicious of contractualism is not merely “ideological.” It has a long history in the radical labor movement, full of examples and historical lineage. Contractualism, on the other hand, has only hypothetical scenarios and “what if” possibilities, divorced from any concrete reality Solidarity unionism, for example, can be traced all the way back to the old IWW, through the rank-and-file members of militant Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) locals, to labor radicals like Martin Glaberman and Stan Weir (who saw clearly the downside of contractualism), on through the New Left labor history revisionists who rejected the institutional and top-down accounts of labor movements, and finally to the numerous conversations that resulted in the modern-day IWW creating our own

model of what solidarity unionism could be. Arguments for contractualism have no similar basis rooted in actual experiences of radical labor. Many of the activities and tasks the article lists as being possible with a contract are not inherent to that model. Spreading our views, finding out our co-workers’ issues and building for demands are just a part of organizing and happens in every IWW campaign worth its salt. Lastly, FW Muchowski addresses the problematic issue of limitations placed on the union in contracts. His solution to this is “we don’t have to agree to anything we don’t want to.” But a century of contractualism has established no-strike clauses, management rights clauses and disempowering grievance procedures as the norms. I would argue that after the point in which it is obvious the union has won or is going to win, these are the most important issues for the employer, exceeding wages and benefits. To exclude these things in a contract would take serious organization within the workplace. If you do have the capacity to impose these sorts of demands, which are expected minimum norms for contracts, then why have a contract at all? With that type of power we can have the ability to impose a lot without getting caught up in stateenforced limitations.

January/February 2014 • Industrial Worker • Page 5

Upstate N.Y. Wobs Show Solidarity On Black Friday Support For Political Prisoner Jeremy Hammond
By Sourdough Slim The Upstate New York General Membership Branch (GMB) of the IWW supported and participated in one of the 1,500 Black Friday protests on Nov. 29, 2013 outside Albany, N.Y. About 80 local activists were stationed on the sidewalk at the entrance to the Glenmont Walmart, voicing support for the OUR Walmart campaign to get the world’s largest retailer to raise wages to a target of $15 per hour. They also had messages of solidarity for the garment workers who toil at starvation wages in Bangladesh and other countries to supply the big box store with cheap clothes. On a clear cold day after Thanksgiving, the Capital District Area Labor Federation (AFL-CIO), Capital District Labor-Religion Coalition, Solidarity Committee of the Capital District and supporters from about two dozen local unions, including the IWW, spent 90 minutes shouting “Walmart, you can’t hide,” and ”Treat your workers like you should.” Picket captains Doug Bullock of the Solidarity Committee and Greg Giorgio of the Upstate N.Y. GMB prompted the crowd with a twin bullhorn attack that also drew a great deal of honking support from passing motorists on busy Route 9W. Giorgio’s placard featured a poster with “Living Wage Now” written across the top. This came from Bangladesh’s militant National Garment Workers Federation (NGWF)—a union with first-hand knowledge of Walmart’s complicity in factory safety and labor violations like the Tazreen and Rana Plaza disasters of the past year responsible for 1,500 deaths. “NGWF – IWW” was written at the bottom of the poster in black and red. The Capital District Area Labor Federation’s Dan Curtis told WNYT NewsChannel 13’s cameras that this action was coupled with the move to give Walmart a clear message at 1,500 of their stores that,

Wobbly & North American News

paying low wages, providing lousy benefits and firing union supporters is not acceptable. “How many more workers have to die in Bangladesh in factories where the contractors like Walmart cut and run over any grievances?” he asked reporters. At the picket, the IWW passed out our Black Cat Moan anti-sweatshop newsletter, coordinated and produced through efforts of the union’s Bangladesh working group. A series of actions had taken place this past year in Boston, Pittsburgh, Albany, and other locations to support the NGWF and the garment workers of Bangladesh. And while a new accord to raise the minimum textile sector wage to the equivalent of $68 per month was passed in the days leading up to Black Friday, it still does not provide a real living wage. Mainstream press accounts of the pact made it seem like a simplistic issue of a pay raise being a win; leave it at that. The Black Cat Moan editorial cover story said, “Not that fast. There is more to this story than a small pay increase.”

Upstate N.Y. Wobs.

Photo: K. Provencher

By Ashley Jackson On the morning of Nov. 15, 2013 in New York City, 28-year-old hackivist Jeremy Hammond was sentenced to 10 years in federal prison for violation of the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act. He used his computer skills to hack into and release over 5 million files of the private security firm Strategic Forecasting, Inc., or “Stratfor,” exposing corporate and government spying on activists domestically and abroad, amongst other discoveries. Existing prisoner support groups Portland Anarchist Black Cross, Oregon Jericho, Radical Prisoner Support Portland and the newly-formed Portland IWW General Defense Committee Local 1 had already planned a benefit for him the next evening at Graphic: Molly Crabapple The Red and Black Cafe. There was Jeremy Hammond. music by Irie Idea, Intentional Overactions of those who are locked away and tones and Years of Lead, as well as a raffle hope that one day we can free them from and readings of Jeremy’s own words in his their cages into a better world. plea and sentencing statements. Thanks to all the amazing people in “The government celebrates my con- our community who donated; we raised viction and imprisonment, hoping that it $350, which went directly into Jeremy’s will close the door on the full story. I took commissary account! It was an event we responsibility for my actions, by pleading wish we didn’t have to hold. But a night we guilty, but when will the government be know Jeremy would have liked. made to answer for its crimes?” – quoted Ten years is a long time, and Jeremy is from Jeremy’s sentencing statement. going to need our support, so here’s what What happened to Jeremy comes as YOU can do: write him a letter, share his no shock to those organizing in their com- story and donate to his defense fund. Most munities; it’s a risk that is always there. importantly: DON’T FORGET ABOUT Government repression comes in many JEREMY HAMMOND! forms including surveillance/monitoring For information on where to send and incarceration. Jeremy uncovered the your letter, please visit: http://www. truth, revealing the relationship between freejeremy.net. the government and private intelligence. Donations can be made online at Inspired by the actions of Chelsea Man- http://www.wepay.com/donations/jerning, he felt that he had the skills and emy-hammond-defense, or make checks obligation to do something. This is not just payable to: “National Lawyers Guild Founinspiring but courageous. Like the old say- dation, Memo: JHDC” and send them to: ing “They’re in there for us, we’re out here JHDC ℅ NLG, 132 Nassau St., RM 922, for them,” let’s also find inspiration in the New York, NY 10038.

By the Miami IWW Recently, workers employed by the Pactiv Corporation and members of the Association of Western Pulp and Paper Workers Local 83, reached out to the IWW and the affiliated Starbucks Workers Union for solidarity. Pactiv is one the primary suppliers of cups and paper products for Starbucks and the new management is planning on significantly cutting the wages and benefits of its employees. So on Sunday, Nov. 24, 2013, a few of members of the Miami IWW and the IWW Starbucks Workers Union handed out flyers in front of a downtown Starbucks and at the Miami Book Fair International located at the Wolfson Campus of Miami Dade College Wolfson Campus. We also had the opportunity to educate people about the shady stuff surrounding Starbucks and to show our support for our fellow workers on the west coast. It is important to be creating and to

Miami IWW Solidarity With Starbucks Workers Report From Starbucks Action In Vancouver

Photo: iwwmiami.wordpress.com

be involved in these actions, no matter how big or small, because it is the IWW’s motto, “An injury to one is an injury to all,” that guides us. If workers anywhere are having an issue, then it becomes an issue to all of us.

By D.J. Alperovitz On Nov. 25, 2013, members of the Vancouver Island General Membership Branch (GMB), after making a contribution to the baristas’ tip jar, established an information picket at a high visibility and popular Starbucks in Victoria, British Columbia. During Photo: D.J. Alperovitz our time there we Wobs picket Starbucks in Victoria. passed out 200-plus handbills, in addition implying that we could not be there. After to copies of the Industrial Worker. We being made aware of the fact that not only effectively shut down this location with could we be there, but that we had no less than 15 people opting to cross our line intention of leaving, he questioned why and enter during the lunch hour. The store we would picket the “best company in the manager attempted to have us leave by world.” Manager re-education followed.

Railroad Workers Respond To Metro-North Derailment: “It’s Time To Implement Safety Measures”
From Railroad Workers United As the recent Metro-North passenger train wreck in New York illustrates, fatigue kills. From preliminary reports, it appears that the engineer had nodded off. This of course would not be the first time that a train crew member fell asleep. As we know, it happens all the time. In this case however, the result was catastrophic. Sleepiness, spacing out, nodding off, zoning out, drowsiness—it is a way of life for railroad train crews. Considering the lack of scheduling in the freight industry, the 24/7 nature of the job, the lack of time off work (and harsh availability policies that keep us “in line” if and when we choose to mark off), the inability to predict the time when one will be called to work or when one will be relieved of duty, it is a wonder that there are not more tragic wrecks as a result of fatigue. man beings. And as such, we make When there is a spectacular wreck like the Metro-North demistakes, cut corners, nod off, get distracted, zone out, forget things, railment, the immediate tempget irritable, become sleepy, and tation is to blame the train’s crew. But those of us in train and fail to properly perform the task at hand, like every other human beengine service know that there is always more to it than that. In the ing. Even under ideal conditions days and weeks to come, railroad we remain human and imperfect, Graphic: RWU train crews across the nation will prone to error. Therefore, we need be bombarded with “advisories,” “alerts” to stop pointing fingers and laying blame and bulletins that beseech us to stay alert, each and every time there is a train wreck. to remain focused, and maintain our Rather, we must begin to organize the “situational awareness.” Yet ironically, workplace around human beings, taking not a single railroad will do anything to into account all of our fallibilities. improve train lineup predictability, grant And this means granting adequate rest the needed time off work to those who between tours-of-duty, granting reasonrequest it, schedule their railroad’s trains, able time off away from the workplace, or beef up the extra boards and/or pools and ending the practice of “subject to call” to ensure adequate staffing which would 24/7. In addition, it means implementing result in adequate rest for train crews. the technology that has been available for The fact remains: train crews are hu- many years now so that if and when a train

crew does zone out, nod off, or make a mistake, it does not become a fatal mistake. But the rail carriers have historically resisted any attempt to reduce crew fatigue, and are in fact lobbying vigorously to stave off the mandated implementation of Positive Train Control (a system of functional requirements for monitoring and controlling train movements to provide increased safety). Meanwhile, trains continue to go in the ditch and lives continue to be lost. And the rail carriers simply blame the workers. And if that isn’t bad enough, the rail carriers are pushing for single employee train operations to become the universal standard for the industry. While the Metro-North engineer did have additional crew members behind him, he was alone in the cab. Would this wreck have even happened if he had a partner in the cab to assist in preventing this tragedy?

Page 6 • Industrial Worker • January/February 2014

Special

Beyond Thatcher: Militant Testimonies On Miners’ Struggles And British Syndicalism From Yesterday And Today
By Fabien Delmotte Last year, Margaret Thatcher’s death reminded us of the economic policies she initiated in Britain and of her anti-union fights. In the last months of 2013, “Autre Futur” (a French syndicalist website and association) wished to go further and to conduct a series of interviews with different British unionists and syndicalists in order to get a better grasp of issues that have emerged in recent decades. This is an abridged version of the original article. The complete version is online: http://www.autrefutur.net/ Beyond-Thatcher-militant. the mines in England DJD: That fight were on strike and we in 1984/1985 involved defeated that action. the whole commuThey came back again nity. It was partly in 1983, but this time, about unions but it they attacked South was about an industry, Wales. The Welsh minit was about a way of ers went on strike and life. The miners were picketing started in the almost an ethnicity, rest of the country. But the trade being passed the executive of their down from father to union decided to call son for hundreds and a national ballot. And hundreds of years . And we lost the national we had a very strong ballot. So, they allowed revolutionary and radithe mine closures. We cal tradition. So, all of started an overtime the politics of power, ban in 1983. Then, they fuel power was about came and took on a political power and pit in the Yorkshire, not just about energy. Cortonwood Colliery. It was about “Who They closed the pit. rules?,” since nuclear So the miners went on workers will not chalstrike, and they picklenge governments and eted out the other pits. National Union of Photo: autrefutur.net can’t just walk off the We made the decision Mineworkers, 1984. job as we did. in Yorkshire that we would strike and AF: And so, now... Unfortunately, they spread the action to the rest of the country. have won that battle. What becomes of the And everybody else joined this...except region, the communities? scabs in Nottingham. DJD: The communities are very, very And then we fought for 12 months! much on their knees and in desperate soWe didn’t get the mass support that we cial conditions. This, today, (the Durham needed. And we had to go back. But we Miners’ Gala with half a million people) is still hadn’t lost in 1984, even though they an act of defiance. This gala is a traditional closed about 60 mines and about 70,000 parade that has been going on for 167 jobs. We were still there. So they had to years of miners’ banners with all of the come back again in 1992 with another slogans and principles of trade unionism plan that would close almost every pit in and class struggle, led by brass bands and Britain. So then we had a series of actions, by the women and children and people of mass demonstrations, mass publicity. But the community. It should have died. And we still lost. today is the biggest demonstration since, Thatcher set a propaganda committee I think, 1945. It’s an act of class defiance. in place which comprised all the national They wanted us to shuffle off our newspapers and news channels. She met mortal coil and die quietly but we will not. with police, the Electricity Engineering The only industry that we have today is Board, the National Coal Board and ran the bank industry and speculation. They an entirely partisan fight using the full destroyed manufacturing in Britain, they weight of the state and its media against destroyed our ability as workers to take the miners. control back off them and run society ourAF: Can you tell us more about the selves. So now, we don’t actually produce National Union of Mineworkers? anything. People are unemployed, people DJD: It was founded on the tradition are desperately poor, we have a lot of drug of “One Industry, One Union.” By 1984, addiction, anti-social crimes, we have ill we had about 230,000 members. But, you health, high infant mortality, low life exknow, now we only have 2,000 members. pectancy, low education achievement, all The National Union of Mineworkers hasn’t of these things. It’s similar to what they always been in a revolutionary tradition, it tried to do to Native Americans. They not founded the Labour Party. In fact, you had only defeated American Indians, but they a mixed tradition: social democracy, anar- wanted to take away their identity and cho-syndicalism and Marxism-Leninism. wipe out even the memory of who they The ballot box and the bullet. were. You know, my father and my grandAF: On a more personal level, what is father were in the 1926 strike, my grandyour political itinerary? father was in the 1890 strike (laughs)! DJD: People change definitions all That’s why this is very, very important for the time but I have traditionally called us. We are not prepared to forget the past, myself an anarchist communist, in the we are not prepared to give up hope in the anarcho-syndicalist tradition. I started off future. We have to fight to retake control of as an anarcho-syndicalist and an anarchist our communities, reconnect with our real when I was 15. But I had a brief detour history, not the captains and the kings, not to Trotskyism in the 1970s. By 1984, I the Union Jack, that bollocks... But the had come back to anarchism. I was also a people who fought for our own class interfounding member of Class War. ests. This is not just about nostalgia, this AF: Are there others things you would is about tomorrow, not about yesterday. like to say about theses strikes? AF: In this situation, it seems there is

“Today, Left is anti-working class” – Dave Douglass, former unionist miner Autre Futur (AF): My first question is a little bit ironic. This year Margaret Thatcher died. Were you sad? How did you react ? David John Douglass (DJD): (laughs) I wasn’t sober for a whole week. The day it was announced we had parties in the street. Then, we took the Durham Area Miners’ Banner down to Trafalgar Square [London], which was an anarchistarranged thing. There were about 5,000 people at it and when the Miners’ Banner arrived, the crowd went mad, so... I spoke to the crowd. Then we came back up north and we had a big socialist party and all the press was there from all of the world. So, it was very good. AF: Can you introduce yourself briefly? DJD: I’ve been a member of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) since 1963 and an official of the Miner’s Union for about 24 years. I’m a retired member now. In my time, I edited the revolutionary miner’s paper called The Mineworker in the 1970s and also a local newspaper called Hot Gossips which lampooned the officials of the mine, the government, etc. I’ve been in all of the fights. In 1969, there was a national unofficial miners’ strike in which our tendency was very active. In 1972, I was a picket organizer in the Midlands and then again in 1974. In 1984, I was the picket coordinator for Doncaster. We were involved in [the] 1992-1993 [demonstrations/movements]. AF: What was the link between Margaret Thatcher and miners’ strikes? DJD: Margaret Thatcher had adopted the monetarist policy of the free-marketeer neocons in America. She fought for the sovereignty of the market and the logic of that was she had to smash the unions, de-nationalize and de-socialize all of the gains that have been made by the class over centuries. She knew that attacking the National Union of Mineworkers was central to this war. Sooner or later, she was going have to take us on and we knew that too. Thatcher said she would honor previous agreements which said that coal will still be the central energy supply. In 1980, she broke that agreement and launched an assault to close 25 mines. Most of

much to do. But what do you think about militant movements today concerning this issue? DJD: I think the left, in general, is totally irrelevant. I think it’s anti-working class, they hate the working class. They think we’re homophobic, they think we’re racists, they think we’re sexists; they think we’re everything that’s wrong. There’s no dialogue with us at all. They don’t understand working-class aspirations. The left is strongly dominated by petit bourgeois liberalism, they don’t understand class struggle. They’re interested in liberal posturing. There’s a huge gulf between us. Do you see, here, the left? They’re not talking to working people here, they’re just talking to each other. They don’t want anybody from the outside in, because they might ask them some good questions. You know...I’m specifically talking about the so-called “far left,” the Marxist-Leninist left and even most of the anarchist left. You have our tendency here: the IWW and the North-East Anarchist Federation are here...but you won’t find anybody else.

Scotland: Glasgow and “Red Clydeside”’s memory AF: I know that Glasgow’s urban district is one of the most populated districts in the United Kingdom (and the biggest one in Scotland). It used to be called “Red Clydeside.” What can you tell about the history of working-class and radical struggles here? John Couzin: The Clydeside area, in my opinion, because of the mass of people who were living in dreadful conditions in this dense area,was home to a lot of radical movements. You’ve got the 1915 rent strike, which was totally spontaneous, grassroots, and not affiliated with any political parties. Mainly it was the women organizers of the rent strike who took action. It was the women who brought people onto the street. Then, Parliament introduced the Rent Restriction Act which froze the rents in the United Kingdom until six months after World War I (WWI). You have also the Labour Withholding Committee which was during the WWI, when strikes were banned. From that was developed the Clyde Workers’ Committee, which was more or less IWW-like, syndicalist. In fact, there were more strikes during the war than before and after. It was seen by militants as an opportunity! AF: What were the main industries in the Glasgow Region? What is the situation now and how do unions deal with it? JC: The main industry was obviously shipbuilding. Now that’s gone. I don’t think you can refer to Clydeside anymore as an entity. You could say it was an entity. Keith Millar: In terms of employment, the public sector, clothing centres and supermarket chains are now the biggest employers. For unions, there’s potential but it’s very early. The trouble is that often people get sacked or move on voluntarily. Concerning protests in more recent history, we could also mention the large opposition to the Poll Tax (1990)

Continued from 1 touted signs with messages of unity with the workers and joined in chants outside the Queens factory. The bakers spoke to the crowd about their experiences at the factory and the necessary changes they are seeking. The New York City IWW is partnering with workers’ rights group Brandworkers in this historic operation. Brandworkers is a membership organization of workers in the local food production industry with an operating model focused on pursuing direct improvements at work and an enduring organized voice on the shop floor without recourse to recognition or formal collective bargaining.

Bakers Rising: NYC IWW Bakery Workers Fight For Better Jobs

ing hashtag #WhoThis is the beMakesAmysBread on ginning of what is Twitter. Local memsure to be an exbers are encouraged citing, but hardto show solidarity at fought, direct action public demonstracampaign. Amy’s tions at pivotal points Bread workers in the campaign. Join continue to need Amy’s Bread workers the involvement of in demanding that passionate supportthe bakery provide ers. IWW members dignified jobs and are encouraged to help create a more promote the link to the Amy’s Bread Graphic: amysbread.brandworkers.org just food system. Please visit the webworkers’ website, http://amysbread.brandworkers.org, via site to learn more about the workers, this email and social networks, and by follow- movement and ways to help.

January/February 2014 • Industrial Worker • Page 7

Special

Beyond Thatcher: Militant Testimonies On Miners’ Struggles And British Syndicalism From Yesterday And Today
and the support to miners’ strikes. But I think also that, here in Scotland, there’s a big distraction in the left with the Scottish independence issue. Unionism, unemployment and job insecurity: the example of Newcastle AF: I know you are active in organizing unemployed workers. Can you tell us more about that? John Kelly: Recently, Britain’s largest union, Unite, established a new initiative to open our membership to unemployed people. In Newcastle, we have a good solid branch. Consequently, we believe we can promote trade union values and regain some of the influence in a community in which unions once had influence when those communities were built around industry. These people are not normally organized. So the union gives them a structure, a voice to campaign for the change they want. And they don’t feel abandoned or left to their own device. Recently, we held protests against a 1 percent increase in unemployment benefits, such as Jobseekers Allowance. We put forward slogans like, “One percent won’t pay the rent,” and “The banks caused the crisis, the unemployed will pay.” We are really concerned about the welfare benefits issue and the benefit changes imposed on the unemployed. We have concrete activity concerning immediate problems. AF: Simon, you were a unionist in education but have more recently joined Unite Community. Can you tell us why? Simon Galliers: Recently, I have been protesting against the school academies program that this current government is putting in place. It makes schools independent and this has consequences on salaries, conditions, employment and special educational needs. I vigorously campaigned against that. I lost my job... But I’m engaged in everything in relation with education program that Unite Community does now. From London to Edinburgh: Trade unions, the IWW and current social situation in the United Kingdom AF: For people who don’t know your country very well, can you explain the current social situation in the United Kingdom? Can you give us, as British Wobblies, an overview of the main social issues, especially for syndicalism? John S.: We can trace our situation today back to the 1970s and the birth of neoliberalism. In the 1970s union density and militancy was high. During Thatcher’s years, unions were smashed or co-opted. The subsequent governments continued with the neo-liberal agenda of privatization of public services/assets, subsidies to big private interests at public expense, casualization of labor, etc. And now the coalition government sees a massive opportunity in the “financial crisis“ to really remodel society once and for all. So, we’re told this is a time for austerity and to accept cuts to public spending. Actually, in education, welfare, and health, we’re just seeing the welfare state being dismantled. Official unemployment is up around 2.5 million. Meanwhile, across the board, prices have risen around 15 to 20 percent. There is a massive increase in casualization: zero-hours contracts are arguably worse than agency work, because while you are tied to an employer and must be available when they want you, you have no guaranteed hours. More than 5 million workers do not earn a “living wage.” The majority of people now considered to be living in poverty are working; they’re not unemployed. The “bedroom tax” (where councils are being forced to collect council tax from families in social/council housing previously exempt because they have a spare’ bedroom) is hitting people really hard. Disabled people are also badly hit, being ruled “fit for work” and having benefits taken away. All this has led to suicides already. The working class is in a chronic state of disorganization and low-confidence. The biggest movement has been the student protests in 2010. In 2011, workingclass youth rioted and looted shops after police shot a black man in Tottenham. There have also been big local protest movements against hospital closures, the “bedroom tax” and other cuts, some successful (Lewisham Hospital being the most notable). Strikes have been few and far between. AF: Can you introduce who the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) are in the United Kingdom, and, more generally, what trade unionism is in the British context? Dek Keenan (DK): The Industrial Workers of the World are, in Great Britain, a small revolutionary industrial union. It’s essentially a union with a revolutionary class-struggle approach to unionism which breaks with class collaboration, which is the dominant trade union approach. It’s also against the idea of trade unions and rather emphasizes an industrial approach of all workers in one big union. All we have in the United Kingdom is a small number of craft unions, another group of larger trade unions and then enormous unions of hundred of thousands of members. There are more than one million members in UNISON and Unite. They’re all basically social democrats. Historically, the Labour Party was established by trade unions in the first part of 20th century. But obviously, the Labour Party is now a neo-liberal party. Usually, these unions are in favor of building a new Labour Party. The IWW in the United Kingdom first existed in the 1910s. All of that didn’t survive very far into the 1920s. The IWW then re-emerged in 1946, in the 1950s, briefly in late 1970s, early 1980s and then disappeared again (laughs)! But in 1990, a comrade from North America came to live here and started to promote the IWW and it very slowly took off. Basically, in the United Kingdom, there are two different approaches. People established in mainstream unions work

at a rank-and-file level, create networks in those unions of people who want to fight back. At the same time, we have another approach where we are establishing IWW unions of people who are unorganized, the “abandoned and betrayed,” people who are let down by the mainstream unions and/or who are uninterested in them. AF: Dave, you’re one of the founders of the Pizza Hut Workers’ Union of the IWW, which was formed in Sheffield [North England] quite recently, in 2011. Can you tell us more Pizza Hut picket in Sheffied, 2012. Photo: Tristan Metcalfe about that? groups. But we’ve been involved in the Dave Pike: We formed around a Civil Service Rank and File Network, an collective grievance over pay. Since its alternative, purely rank-and-file, autonocreation we have grown steadily in mem- mous tendency into the Public and Combership and have won pay increases for mercial Services Union (PCS). delivery drivers, as well as improvements in health and safety standards. University: the stuggle against DumFast food has become a breeding fries Campus’s closure and “social ground for IWW organizers. The average and class struggle anarchism” age of members has helped us to appear AF: You’re IWW members and were more relevant, mid-20s being the usual involved a few years ago in a (victorious) age for our activists. It is hard to orga- struggle against the closure of Dumfries nize young workers, as many either have campus. Can you talk to us about that? never engaged with unions, and don’t Marion Hersh: Glasgow University even know what they are, or think unions has a campus at Dumfries and Galloway. It are old-fashioned and irrelevant. What is very important to the local community, really makes unions relevant is they fight which is rural, and it had a lot of workingfor changes that matter to young people, class and disabled students. A few years like improving working conditions in their ago, the management proposed closing workplaces, and talking in a way that it. There was a campaign of opposition. I doesn’t try to live on the union’s history, joined the IWW at this point, as it seemed but on its relevance today. that IWW was taking more action than the AF: John, as an IWW regional orga- University and College Union. Eventually, nizer for the southeast of England and management backed down. This was an London, can you tell us more about the important victory. However, management Wobblies’ activities there in recent years? has continued to target the campus. John S.: IWW activities for several AF: Ben, you teach political and social years have included supporting individual philosophy in this university. I know you members in retail, fast food, education, teach about anarchism and feel the nehealthcare and other industries, and have cessity to talk about social, class-struggle involved some small, limited organizing anarchism. Are there kinds of anarchism campaigns. However, in 2011, a large which are not social? group of cleaners in London left their Benjamin Franks: Traditionally union for various reasons and formed an you get so-called “anarcho-capitalists” IWW branch. Throughout 2011 and 2012, and anarchist-communists, both being the Cleaners Branch held wildcat strikes, called “anarchists.” Social anarchists are noisy and militant protests and occupa- concerned with hierarchy, the inequalitions and finally official strike actions, ties in economic power and their social fighting for the living wage, sick pay, more structures which anarcho-capitalists are hours and an end to bullying and intimi- perfectly happy with. There are different dation. Others are now joining, and there constellations of anarchism, some of which are ongoing organizing drives at several are more individualist, some of which tend sites in London, including major tourist towards socialism. One of the principles attractions. of social anarchism is that the individual AF: Are there others unions Wobblies is in part socially constructed. So, to be can feel close to in the British context to- only concerned with our own liberation, day? Are there organized militant tenden- our own happiness, our own living as pure cies in mainstream unions ? lifestyle is insufficient for social anarchists. DK: I suppose the only union that It’s missing our necessary, dependent conperhaps the IWW can have some identifi- nectedness to others. The laws of capital cation with is possibly the Rail Maritime is a form of exploitation and oppression. and Transport (RMT) union. It’s a union If we want to live a more fullfilled, satisfyindependent of the Labour Party, which ing life, we have to oppose these forms of is militant, with syndicalists active in it. oppression, in mutual solidarity. And this There are left networks within many of is class struggle. the main trade unions, which tend to be All interviews conducted by Fabien dominated by Trotskyist and left-wing Delmotte.

Continued from 1 After 15 of us picketed for about 20 minutes at least 30 Cambridge cops showed up with a profusion of police vehicles including several wagons. Insomnia’s manager told them we were blocking the sidewalk, which was completely untrue. The cops demanded we shut down our public address (PA) system, which we did, then tried to force us off the sidewalk in front of the store, to an area farther away which would neutralize our protest. When the police began shoving us, FW Jason Freedman objected. At least four cops jumped on him, hitting him in the face and throwing him on the trunk of a car and then on the ground. They pinned

Police Brutality At IWW Picket In Boston

him partially under a car, injuring his arm; Jason’s face was covered with blood. When they finally dragged him away to a wagon, many of us went to bail him out. The cops shut down our legal picket, protecting and serving private property as usual. FW Jason was charged with several offenses including assaulting a cop, although the only blows were struck by the cops against Jason. The Boston IWW refuses to be intimidated and we have since picketed a local store once again, with legal observers in attendance and no harassment or arrests. Meanwhile the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) issued a complaint against the company on Nov. 29 for illegally termi-

nating workers after they engaged in concerted activity for the purpose of collective bargaining. The NLRB has instructed the company to reinstate workers and provide back pay. So far Insomnia has refused, and the labor board has set a hearing date, which may lead to a trial of the company. After images of the police assault on Jason went up on our Boston IWW blog, we got thousands of hits over the next few days. We spread the story widely among students at Harvard and Boston University. The Boston IWW believes Insomnia’s apparent marketing strategy of allowing the “student-friendly” company to be linked to police brutality is not so well-advised. We will continue to expose their union

busting and their ongoing failure to do so much as pay workers the minimum wage. Our strike/organizing campaign fund has raised over $3,000 which has been a huge help to our struggle. Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 509 recently decided to add another $1,000 to our organizing fund in a magnificent display of solidarity. Meanwhile, members of our branch have developed new organizing skills that will assist us in this organizing drive and future drives to follow. We’ve raised the IWW banner higher than it’s been in Boston in a long time, and service sector employees at Insomnia and elsewhere are being attracted to the union. The struggle continues!

Page 8 • Industrial Worker • January/February 2014

Organizing

All In A Day’s Work: Life And Labor In The Day Labor Industry
From the standpoint of the law, John Smith is selfemployed. He does not report his day laborers as employees. Thus, even though they’re employed by the same employer every day, just as someone who works at Dunkin’ Donuts is employed by Dunkin’ Donuts every day, laborers employed by John Smith enjoy no long-term benefits. There is no paid time off available to accrue after a certain period of employment, no health care coverage, and no chance for more stable employment. Moreover, if a laborer calls in Graphic: Monica Kostas sick, it is very likely that the By Everett Martinez laborer will not be called back Whether it means the arduous toil of by that employer in the future. Ironically, building a house or the technical know- employers view these workers as “unrelihow required to unclog a home septic able.” system, “day labor” is the catch-all term Since the construction industries, for an industry defined by its instability, unlike the food industry, have not been unreliability and illegality for those who centralized into the hands of multinawork in it. A thick veil of myths, misinfor- tional corporations, any number of these mation and racism distorts the public’s neighborhood companies will be operatunderstanding of day labor and inhibit ing in the same general area. In the age the ability of labor organizers to extend of globalization and the movement of solidarity to this alarmingly vulnerable manufacturing and manual labor out of segment of the working class. the West, this local, decentralized and I work for a small construction com- labor-intensive industry is an interesting pany in northern New Jersey. Both the divergence from the industries Western company I work for and the companies labor organizers are used to organizing. we find ourselves partnering with—whose areas of work cover everything from con- Laborers & Employers struction to logging, landscaping, plumbOne of the strangest dynamics of day ing, etc.—use day labor as their main, if labor is the incredibly casual nature of not only, source of labor. This article is the relationship between day laborers and intended to share my observations on the employers. This is not to say that day labor nature of work in the day labor industry, is not hard work or that day laborers are the relationship between laborers and “friends” with their employers. Rather, the their employers, and the possibilities for relationship between a laborer and his emhelping laborers to organize themselves. ployer is marked by the employer underHopefully this information will enable us taking tasks formal employers never do. as comrades of day laborers to provide I have personally never witnessed them with the solidarity and working-class an employer hire more than four laborunity they deserve. ers in one job, meaning that employers don’t communicate with their laborers The Working Day as “line bosses” charged with measuring Perhaps the most pervasive myth the productivity and discipline of a large about day labor is that a laborer works for workforce. On the other hand, the dynamic different employers every day. We tend to is much more personal: on the way from imagine day laborers as waiting outside of one job to the next there are personal conHome Depot for an employer who picks up versations, the car radio will be on, etc. The whoever happens to be standing outside at employer and the laborer(s) usually eat the time. In my experience, nothing has meals together—the length of the workbeen further from the truth: most labor- day usually includes both breakfast and ers are employed by the same employer lunch—and the employer will usually buy consistently, often working for the same one of the meals for his laborer. Additionone for years at a time. ally, the employer often charges himself Employment occurs on a job-by-job with buying personal equipment for his basis. A laborer and an employer will be in laborers: work gloves, boots and the like. contact with each other, and the employer These seemingly benevolent gestures, will contact the laborer whenever work is taken in the context of a seemingly personneeded. As the term suggests, the worker is al employer-employee relationship, may employed by day; at the end of one work- hinder organizing. During unionization ing day, the employer will tell the worker to campaigns, we often see employers try to be at the employer’s shop, or the employer manipulate these sorts of things: “we’re a will arrange a certain meeting place at a mom-and-pop company,” “employees are certain time the next day. Laborers are part of the company,” etc. paid in cash at the end of each day—in my experience, laborers are paid around $10 Day Labor: No Place in the to $12 per hour. Business Union? John Smith Plumbing Company, for The common portrayal of the day lainstance—our obviously fictitious com- borer is that of an undocumented Latino pany—will get a call to unclog a family’s man, usually speaking little English, who drain. In turn, the owner of John Smith often has a family to support. In my expePlumbing will call the laborer(s) he em- rience, this is by no means inaccurate; all ploys and arrange a time and place to pick day laborers I’ve worked with are indeed them up. The employer drives the laborers Latino men who speak little English. I to the job and work begins. can’t comment on their citizenship status The main buyers of day labor are small but I would be inclined to assume most businesses, which are most of the time are not documented due to the under-theowned and operated by a single person. table, undocumented nature of day labor, John Smith Plumbing is owned by John including the fact that employers do not Smith, who is the company’s only perma- report them as employees. Obviously, it nent member. He is the president, trea- is safe to assume that if day laborers had surer, advertiser and hiring department. the opportunity to move to more formal, He owns all of the plumbing equipment regulated employment, employers would as his personal property, handles all of report them as employees. One can only the advertising and networking, and in assume, then, that they do not have this general undertakes all the administrative opportunity, presumably due to their functions of the company. citizenship status. The extreme vulnerability of being an undocumented worker is heightened by the mainstream labor movement’s disinterest (or inability) in helping them organize themselves. Despite the necessity of day labor to keeping our society’s infrastructure intact, a variety of factors have caused the modern labor movement to pass over the day labor industry as a potential for organizing efforts. Day laborers have no avenue of recourse if they are victimized by their employer. Imagine that you were in this country illegally. Would you trust a government institution like the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) to properly defend you against wage theft? In fact, would you even know of the NLRB, of labor laws in this country, and of how to exercise these rights? Would you trust that, upon reporting your employer to the NLRB, the NLRB wouldn’t just have you and your family deported? When day laborers do not organize themselves, employers have total power over the conditions of laborers’ work. There is no record that a day laborer ever worked for an employer, and the employer knows a laborer will not report illegal practices. What, then, does an individual laborer do if the employer simply decides not to pay him at the end of the day? What does a laborer do if the employer pays him below minimum wage? Do laborers new to the country even know minimum wage laws for their state? What does a laborer do if the employer forces laborers to use dangerous machinery without properly instructing them how to use it or without providing them with necessary safety equipment?

Conclusion: Potentials for Solidarity Unionism Day labor is not conventional labor, but the IWW is certainly not a conventional union. If we are interested in helping day laborers to organize themselves, we must adopt innovative and creative tactics to respond to the unique challenges of the industry. The first key problem is the lack of a definable workforce. As previously stated, most companies employ no more than four laborers at a time, and these laborers are not even officially employed with the company. If an individual laborer, or even a small group of them, were to refuse unsafe or unfair working conditions, the employer can easily replace them. There is no shortage of day labor, and there is no process the employer must initiate to fire a day laborer beyond not calling them back. Thus, day labor must be organized geographically, not by employer. If all the day laborers in a given area refused to work for, say, under $10 per hour, an employer would have virtually no choice but to concede. This, I believe, is where the General Membership Branch and industrial structure of the IWW would be most effectively instituted. Secondly, due to the state’s open hos-

tility to undocumented peoples, attempts to force concessions from employers cannot rely on state mechanisms like the NLRB. This is perhaps where the nature of day labor can be used to the laborers’ advantage: most day labor jobs are based in the construction and infrastructure industries, and these jobs have tight deadlines. You have to dig a foundation in 10 days, you have to unclog a person’s drain in an hour, etc. The employer has no time to deal with laborers refusing work. If they refuse work, the job doesn’t get done. If the job doesn’t get done, the company gets taken off the job, and the employer doesn’t get paid. The urgency of the work can be used as a weapon against the employer. Imagine this scenario: John Smith of John Smith Plumbing gets a call to unclog a family’s drain. He drives himself and one laborer to the house to begin fixing the drain. In the past, John Smith has underpaid his laborers, making excuses like, “You didn’t work hard enough today so I’m only going to give you $80 instead of our agreed-upon $120.” The laborer John Smith brought along has been the victim of this but has stayed with Smith due to the lack of work. When John Smith and his laborer get to the drain call, the laborer refuses to leave the truck until Smith pays him $200 he owes in sto-len wages. Every minute wasted by this work refusal is a minute the customer has to pay for, and if the customer sees no work is being done, the customer will easily just take John Smith Plumbing off the job and call another company. Moreover, Smith and his laborer are already at the job site; Smith doesn’t have time to find another laborer—that may take hours, and by that time the customer will have definitely found another draincleaning service. If a geographical network of day laborers was established, there would be little need for contracts or legal interventions— workers’ power could be expressed on the job through economic actions. All in all, the day labor industry is an industry which would be a unique challenge to organize, but it is an industry in which the IWW’s model of organizing would thrive. As a worker employed alongside day laborers, it would seem to me as though day laborers’ only hope for winning better working conditions is through the solidarity-based approach to unionism and work-place justice provided by the IWW. It would be a serious betrayal to our undocumented, hyper-exploited, and hyper-vulnerable comrades in the day labor industry if we did not offer them our full support and solidarity. I offer these observations in hopes that they will persuade my fellow workers to take an interest in the struggles of day laborers in their areas. Everett Martinez is a Wobbly employed in the lumber and construction industries, and is part of the current initiative to build a strong IWW presence in New Jersey. She can be contacted at iww. [email protected].

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January/February 2014 • Industrial Worker • Page 9

Organizing

Sick To Myself

By Scott Nappolos 1 a.m… 3:50... 3:55... 4 a.m. I rise from bed bleary-eyed. Standing makes me cough. “Great a new symptom,” I think to myself. Walking to the bathroom, the day before me goes through my head. Pacing down the halls, lifting patients, comforting families, dealing with managers; the flood of images makes me weary. I remember days I worked while sick, greeting a patient while gently trying to hold the snot from running down my face, ducking out of a room to sneeze, sitting heavy on the toilet to let my body rest. You read lab values through a tired haze and hide hot tea with honey on the computer carts to make your voice less monstrous. Working sick assails you. I can imagine my day, and it isn’t pretty. Clear mucous runs across my lip. “What about my co-workers? Will enough people be there? Will they have miserable days because I’m awake at 4

a.m. with a cold?” The night before I had waffled about whether to call in or not. The consequences of calling out stick with you. “What happened? You been out drinking?” “Remember call out three times in six months and it’s a write-up.” At other hospitals I worked in you would be yelled at, disciplined, suspended, or even fired for calling in sick. The bosses made it very clear that being sick was a transgression. When you worked shortstaffed from others calling in, you felt it too. Working short-staffed with no sympathy from anyone, we were alone with our curses too often. “I bet he called out because he’s drunk.” “She’s always calling out, especially on the weekends.” Nurses frequently would blame each other for our misery, shortstaffed from someone falling ill. The worse it got at work, the more call-outs there are. Even an anarchist like myself internalized this. I felt guilty for being sick, and it seemed like I was imposing the extra work on my tired co-workers. The problem is that illness is part of the game. Health care workers are exposed to more illness, and experience extreme working conditions and the long-term stress that wears down the immune sysPhoto: iwwmiami.wordpress.com tem. The results are predict-

able. People will get sick. In many hospitals, however, sick time was eliminated and replaced with general comp time, a.k.a. rolling sick days and vacation into one category that constantly pushes people to work while sick. The real issue is that management can see the numbers and knows how many people will be sick yearly, and yet refuses to hire enough people to take that pressure off us to work with a bug. This is in spite of the fact that countless studies show health care workers spreading potentially fatal illnesses to patients in hospitals. It’s not complicated if you think about it. Many viruses are spread by droplets in our breath or our body secretions. Well-meaning health care workers have a hard time avoiding coughing, sneezing, blowing their noses, or rubbing something they shouldn’t rub when under the gun. You wash your hands constantly, but all it takes is one little slip to spread things to patients. Illnesses spread by health care workers remains a significant cause of serious illness and death in hospitals and care facilities. The problem runs deeper than just money or punishments. Working at a place with paid sick days and lacking a culture of punishing those who call in sick, many of us still blame ourselves for the situation at

Graphic: iwwmiami.wordpress.com

work. Today we are repressed more by our own internalization of power than by force. That is what we have to fight against. The problem isn’t in us as individuals, or the fact that life makes us sick sometimes. The problem is a system constantly pressuring all hospitals to meet its challenges with our bodies and those of our patients. Work runs like clockwork, but it is a machine built out of human bodies; bodies that are vulnerable. An answer isn’t completely obvious, but any solution we will find will be collective; working together to use our power for something more human. At 4:05 a.m., I called in sick.

Focusing Our Energy, Clarifying Our Goals
By FW db A few years ago I wrote an article called “Towards a Union of Organizers,” (July/August 2012 IW, page 3) which emphasized the importance of every fellow worker doing the basics of organizing at their job—relationship building, gathering contacts, social mapping, having one-on-one conversations. I showed how in many real life instances— from a liquor store, to a hospital, to a government workplace—performing these basics was important for recruiting members, responding to crises and grievances, and establishing the union as a force within our class. Organizing on the job is still the staple for all IWW members, and it is an important part of the IWW becoming a union and community of workers who become radicalized, rather than radicals who seek to become workers. If you are in the IWW we need you to do the basics of organizing at your work. However, in the Twin Cities IWW and elsewhere, I have also seen a tendency that exaggerates this approach to a point where we are creating so many small “organizer vs. the world” campaigns that we are setting ourselves up to fail, in individual campaigns and in the branch as a whole. By failing to prioritize achievable goals we are in grave danger of burning out members who feel like the IWW is setting them up for an impossible task. Part of this problem is also due to a sort of “only workers in a campaign” purism that is a useful baseline but gets in the way of us having the capacity to do the work that needs doing. It is one thing to have only the workers in a campaign make the decisions, but it is quite another to have a branch put time behind the workers in the key campaigns of that branch so the campaigns can actually succeed. Moreover, while organizing at your workplace is invaluable, participating in a viable campaign, even from the outside, is also an essential IWW experience. One thing that successful unions have always done is to focus their energy on places where there is potential—from industries screaming out to be organized, to industries essential to capitalism, to industries that define the local or regional Graphic: gadflye landscape and identity, or simply where we have the ability to make a change. If the IWW is going to become the type of organization we want it to be, we need to focus on creating a smaller number of realistic or visionary campaigns—depending on our capacity—rather than having a union of do-it-alone organizers trying to do the impossible, often blaming their co-workers’ inadequacies in the process. Having conversations about how to focus is difficult, but failing to do so is similar to failing to ask people to join. If we can’t push ourselves to focus our energy we can’t grow into the union we want to become. Conflict shows us what we need to be learning, coming to consensus on the different ways to focus our energy shows us the power in a union. Again, this isn’t to say “stop organizing at your workplace.” It is saying “clarify your workplace goals and focus your branches on the highest possible impact campaigns—realistically.” How do we do this? To end this article I’ve made a list of activities that a member might choose to implement in their workplace and can

serve as a scale from small to large for our members and branches considering their priorities. 1. Recruit in the class. Even if we are not working, we need to stay connected to our neighbors, the local struggles that are happening, particularly those in people of color, immigrant, and poor white communities. Show up, learn, meet others interested in revolutionary unions. Also, Facebook is an easy and useful way to build local awareness. 2. Recruit at your workplace. Identify people who would be good revolutionary union organizers, learn from them, enjoy their company, connect them to other Wobblies, our ideas, and into our work, be it doing the basics of organizing at your workplace, organizing a social, a May Day event, a study group, and so on. 3. Organize informal work groups. Organize a social group of militant workers in your shop, with strength in at least one department or unit. Condition the job to make it better, take action, have a blast, and be a pole that can pull other people to it and into the IWW 4. Organize your workplace. Are you in a place where organizing the place seems achievable? Go for it! Though definitely be in touch with the Organizing Department and your branch to get the support you need. For many branches having real organizing campaigns in good targets for their capacity is THE way forward. 5. Organize visionary campaigns. By visionary I mean “connect it to a dream!” Give your fellow workers and people in the community something inspiring and a way to create workingclass power. Whether it is organizing major distribution centers, an industrial campaign in fast food, or at the staple local industries, we need to be struggling to make the IWW a pole within our regions that stands for freedom, power, and revolution. This is our time. Thoughts? Appreciate your feedback at [email protected].

Graphic: Walter P. Reuther Library, Wayne State U.

Page 10 • Industrial Worker • January/February 2014

Wobbly Arts

My Ten Wobbly New Year’s Resolutions

By Agoge 1. Be relevant. 2. Be an organizer. Never stop trying to learn what that truly means. 3. Be active in a serious campaign. Always. 4. Be social: Get off Facebook. 5. Be a trainer, writer, “GRIL”er, coordinator, protestor… less. Communicate and interact with, and be accountable to, an actual shop floor… more. 6. Be a mentor embedded in active trenches, not a Graphic: besthomever.com teacher with a red card and red cred. 7. Be a mentee that is goal-oriented. Connect with a mentor and start small and smart. 8. Be more efficient and selective with priorities and resources. Evaluate, reflect, and reassess methods with an organizing partner and/or committee. 9. Be a higher bar and expect it from everyone going forward. 10. Be a fighter not a member.

Justice For The Janitors

By Ken Lawless I performed this at St. Michael’s College at the third enthusiastic rally for the janitors’ union. The janitors at St. Michael’s College have a legal right to bargain collectively but a faction of the highest-paid paper-shuffling administrators is attacking subsistence-wage janitors in blatant class war, waged by attrition, their established power pitted against our ideals. We need a general strike with teach-in and sit-ins like we had during the Vietnam War. Which side are you on? Which side are you on? Will you let them destroy the janitors’ union or will you shut this college down? Solidarity Forever is our clarion call, an injury to one is an injury to all. Justice for the janitors! We’ll sing it, we’ll say it, we’ll work it, we’ll play it until we win justice for the janitors. Graphic: freewebs.com

John Henry 2006

By FW JP x378252, I.U. 520 I am submitting this tune for Wobbly Arts section, which I rewrote back in 2006. I wrote it in response to a new technology we were and are dealing with on the railroad. It’s called Remote Control Operation (RCO). When the United Transportation Union (UTU) switchmen “won” this new technology it decimated the ranks of engineers in many terminals. My terminal alone lost over 20 engineer spots. The Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers and Trainmen (BLE) union felt like they had been slapped in the face. The jurisdiction fight over the new technology was intense. There are some terms in the tune that might need to be explained: Hogger – Engineer Groundhogger – Remote Operator I did this for an IWW publication, a Starbucks Workers Union Bosses tell workers that they should not have unions Switchman – Worker who does every- newsletter, being done by Wobs in Hartford, Conn. They because it’s an “outside organization” but they hire thing except run the engine. never actually produced the first issue. I did this in 2012. expensive law firms specializing in union busting . Big E – Engineer It seems like it’s better that way. The Bowl – A place where the rail cars are Yankin’ and a Pullin’ on them cars with his Between a poll off-line and a comm loss, They wer’nt having a very good time. Switchman working as fast as he can. classified for departing freight. The groundhoggers sat in the shanty, Seems like it happens everytime. The East – One of two tracks that long Ol’ John is a thinkin the whole time, Waitin’ for a Big E to come and git ‘er done. A machine aint gonna beat a man. cuts of cars are pulled on to. Well the groundhoggers hollerd at the John Henry and his switchman already A machine aint gonna beat this man. Shanty – The place where the workers pulled 300 cars bowl. report to and get paper work. And yes, Well the groundhoggers came out of the BOWL TOWR That RCO job pulled none. we still call them that. But it’s safer when you sit on your bum. We’re havin a problem linkin’ up. shanty We’ve tried everything we know how to do. And they looked at the 6022. There is a reason for this story, Well John Henry he was a locomotive Said to each other as they switched on I guess we’re shit outta luck Corporate greed is killin’ this land. engineer I guess we’re shit outta luck. their boxes, If we don’t do something and ORGANIZE. Workin’ down in the Osborn bowl. Ya know we got a lotta work to do Say hello to the ONE MAN PLAN. The tower hollers to John Henry. And he looked at his switchman said you Ya know we got a lotta work to do. That’s talkin’ Union! Come and get this engine outta the way Better git to work. The groundhoggers were havin a little It’s blockin’ the East and we gotta pull They wanna run trains with one man. We’re gonna beat that RCO. some cars, problem Gonna beat that RCO! Roll the Union on!! I guess we’ll convert one today, They couldn’t get their boxes to link up.

Labor Cartoons By Fellow Worker Tom Keough

Review

A Look At Late 19th Century French Socialist Thought Patsouras, Louis. The Anarchism of Jean the Paris Commune. After the fall of the
Grave: Editor, Journalist, and Militant. Montreal: Black Rose Books, 2003. Paperback, 207 pages, $24.99. By Heath Row Louis Patsouras, formerly a history professor at Kent State University and the author of two previous books about the French anarchist and socialist, is perhaps the primary booster of Jean Grave, an otherwise unsung compatriot of Mikhail Bakunin, Peter Kropotkin, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Elisee Reclus. Having penned several relatively slim volumes about the editor of La Revolte and Les Temps Nouveaux; including the 1978 “Jean Grave and French Anarchism,” the 1995 “Jean Grave and the Anarchist Tradition in France,” and this now decadeold largely biographical book; Patsouras has done much to keep the memory of Grave’s life and work alive—even if very little of Grave’s writing is available in English translation. One of few prominent socialist thinkers born into a working-class family, Grave was the son of a miller who later turned shoemaker. Moving to Paris in 1860, Grave went to Catholic school and apprenticed with master workmen before getting involved with the professionallyoriented revolutionary Blanquists and Commune, Grave became involved in an anarchist group, helped form the Social Study Group, and became more involved in anarcho-communist journalism and propaganda, as well as propaganda by deed. In 1883, Grave became the editor of La Revolte, which had been founded by Kropotkin in 1879. Grave saw the widely influential paper through the introduction of a literary supplement that became embroiled in an intellectual property dispute as the result of republishing writers’ works without paying them and a name change to La Revolte before he was imprisoned for inciting mutiny and violence through his writings. The editor was also a principal in the Trial of the Thirty, which targeted criminals and terrorists as well as political activists, conflating propaganda by deed with the political philosophies that inspired it. Upon his release from jail, Grave founded a new weekly, Les Temps Nouveaux . With the help of contributors such as Kropotkin and Reclus, Grave’s journalism and pamphleteering continued to advocate for anarcho-syndicalism and mutual aid in opposition to individualism until World War I, during which he emerged to the surprise of many as prowar. The prolific but heavily censored

scribe contended that the primary issue was not war per se, but foreign domination, which should be fought. Grave was also anti-communist. In addition to offering a laudable biographical sketch of Grave, Patsouras considers the French anarchist’s support of progressive art and literature as well as politics; the utopian underpinnings of his work; parallels to bourgeois contemporaries, as well as later writers such as Simone Weil, Albert Camus, and JeanPaul Sartre; and his ongoing relevance in the current day. The last six chapters of the text, which largely provide contextualization rather than biographical detail, feel a little disjointed and ill-fitting. Regardless, it is incontestable that the work of Grave still has value, and the book is worth reading for the first 10 chapters alone. This book, along with Patsouras’s preceding efforts, is important, but inadequate to fully shed light on Grave’s thoughts, ideals, and contributions to later anarcho-syndicalist discourse. What’s sorely needed are English translations of Grave’s writings as primary source: the memoir “Quarante ans de propagande anarchiste,” the novel “La Grande famille,” the propaganda by deed primer “Organisation de la propagande revolutionnaire,” and the theoretical text “La Societe mourante et l’anarchie.” Shawn P.

Graphic: blackrosebooks.net

Wilbur’s recently inactive blog “Working Translations” offers a partial translation of Grave’s fiction for children “The Adventures of Nono,” and Robert Graham’s “Anarchism Weblog” provides excerpts from “La Societe mourante et l’anarchie,” but full-text translations appear to be unavailable. Fellow Wobblies: Who’s up to the task of translating these materials?

January/February 2014 • Industrial Worker • Page 11

Obituaries

Farewell Fellow Worker Justin Vitiello—Teacher, Poet, & Class Warrior
By Nathaniel Miller, X343337 Justin Vitiello grew up in New York City and lived for many years in Philadelphia, where he taught Italian at Temple University, involving himself with various local anarchist activities. He was a published poet and spoke at least three languages fluently. Justin traveled extensively and lived in Italy, Spain and Algeria. He attended the Port Huron conference, organized with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. during the Poor People’s Campaign, established anti-mafia collectives with Sicilian anarchists, and devoted his life to working-class struggle. Justin was an IWW member for years, always made sure to pay his dues well in advance, and served on the IWW’s International Solidarity Commission (ISC) with whom he traveled to Mexico, Haiti and Palestine. It was during the later two ISC delegations that I came to love and respect him. While Justin was around the Philadelphia IWW General Membership Branch long before me, I didn’t get to know him until 2008 when we traveled as part of the IWW delegation to visit with workers in Haiti. I vividly remember drinking rum with him one night on the roof of the guesthouse we were staying in, a building leveled less than two years later in the earthquake, looking across Port Au Prince to the ocean, the city mostly dark without electricity in the vast shanty towns below, the mountains behind us lit with the villas of that incredible nation’s tiny elite. Justin was instinctively on the side of those the world over who stand outcast and starving amidst the wonders they’ve made. Justin was 40 years older than the rest of us on that trip to Haiti, and the delegation to Palestine two years later, yet despite his age and a bad hip he was able to keep pace as we shuttled from one meeting with workers to the next. Memories of Justin stream back. May Day 2008 walking around Port Au Prince trying to keep up with the fluid demonstrations taking place; the day we were caught in a flash flood coming back from a meeting with a worker/peasant cooperative in the mountains where we ate fresh mangos while we listened to workers’ stories. Occupied Palestine—Ramallah, Hebron, Jerusalem, Nazareth… He had a sharp wit and sense of humor too. Our Palestinian hosts invited us to visit with a group of political prisoners in the Golan Heights who had just been released. We were stopped at an Israeli checkpoint.

Mick Renwick: Trade Union Activist, Wobbly, Anarcho-Syndicalist, Anti-Fascist, Internationalist, Geordie Working-Class Hero
the H-bomb and atom bomb, which had brought us to the very wire of nuclear war and convinced us of our possible premature departure from life before we had the chance to live it. Mick was a key character in the city “movement”—the Tyne beat scene. He was always on the scene. Sex, drugs, rock and roll, and revolution: that was us. Photo: Louise van der Hoeven Mick was “a lad” right enough. As our beatnik and mod strange new wave confronted the old culture, the teds, biker gangs still in their white socks and greased back hair, we were often attacked. We represented something strange and scary—politics, beat poetry, and peace campaigns. We listened to the beat poets in Newcastle Bigg Market, shouting the poems of Allen Ginsberg and local Geordie young beat generation poets, reveling in their defiant use of words, which everyone knew were banned and which you couldn’t write down let alone speak as poetry. To the old ted generation, we were surely all “commies” and “freaks,” but those became titles we took as our own. Mick was no mean street fighter, and, although we aspired at first to pacifism, he was a handy lad to have around because he wouldn’t easily see his friends attacked without wading in. Mick had been born into a unique and dying community, for his dad wasn’t simply a Northumbrian pitman, he was a Geordie pitman. He worked at the Rising Sun, Wallsend. Mick grew up the terraces of Heaton, amongst miners, railway men, shipyard workers and their families. He was raised in the strongly militant trade union tradition of the miners’ union and communities. As many of those in the restless, long-haired beat generation entered the mines themselves, the old lads shook their heads in disbelief. “Pitmen?” they queried, but it was not long before that generation had started to add its own coloration to the industry and the miners’ union. My life has been marked by Mick’s presence and Mick’s comradeship; we were together at Grosvenor Square as we tried to storm the U.S. embassy in solidarity with the Vietnamese people, as we went on anti-fascist mobilizations and punch-up’s with the National Front. He was for a time the Secretary of the Gateshead Trade Union Council and organized some of the best of the Tyneside May Day rallies. Through raising funds and joining pickets, he was shoulder-to-shoulder with every battle the miners had from the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s. He developed a deep and lasting love of Bulgarian and Greek culture and spent every spare holiday in Bulgaria and Greece, becoming a self-taught expert on all aspects of these two cultures and their history. Mick and I started our political careers as anarchists, and then took brief detours through the woody glades of Trotskyism in the 1970s. Mick went to the Socialist Workers Party, and I went to the Revolutionary Workers Party. By the time of the miners’ great strike, we were both headed back to anarchism. We both became enthusiastic in the re-formation of the Industrial Workers of the World in Britain, and it was this organization that Mick,

Justin was taken off the bus for further questioning. The Israeli soldiers asked him what he was doing on a charter bus full of known Palestinian activists, whereupon he pretended to be a confused old man, telling his interrogator he’d always wanted to see the Golan, as he’s heard it was beautiful, so he boarded this bus in Jerusalem and didn’t know who Justin (center) with familes of Palestinian Photo: Rob Mulford any of these people political prisoners in December 2009. were. Somehow that worked. I’ve too many for bread and roses too. Justin organized of those small memories to write here. poetry readings against the mafia in Sicily, Mostly I remember Justin as a man who telling me that the best way to fight hate lived his life in solidarity with his fellow and ignorance was simply take a public space as collective triumph over fear, and workers. Justin self-identified as an anarchist, in Philadelphia he always stood on the a teacher, and a poet. Until the last he was picket lines. That fearless determination a fighter, and like all great working-class is his legacy. Farewell Fellow Worker. soldiers understood that we must fight

Mick at the Durham Miners’ Gala, 2013.

By David Douglass, National Union of Mineworkers I met Mick first when I just turned 14—we were in the first flush of that revolutionary generation that Bob Dylan had promised would soon shake your windows and rattle your doors. We wanted change, and we were part of that huge current for radical social reform, revolution, and peace, which began to subvert our whole generation. Mick was in its vanguard It was he who, sitting in the wee hours of the morning in his living room after an underage drinking session round the town, had revealed the sacred words of Bob Dylan’s “The Times They Are a-Changin’” LP. I had heard nothing like it in my life. I thought those words, those concepts, were addressed to me. It was, in the words of the Christian revivalists, a revelation, the hour I first really understood the way the world worked. We became aware of ourselves as a worldwide wave of youth rebellion intent on shaking the system ‘til it changed its ways or died. We pushed at all walls, broke them down, and defied the rules of morality and patriotism. Everything the older generation took as gospels of truth we doubted and challenged. We helped found the Heaton Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, the most radical Tyneside anti-bomb group, going on to form the faction that became the Tyneside Direct Action Committee and later the Committee of 100. We demonstrated at Holy Lock on the Clyde and on numerous Aldermaston marches against

heart and soul, has worked for in the last 15 years. He has also been an enthusiastic member of the Follonsby Miners Lodge Banner Community Heritage. Mick’s last fight with cancer was his hardest, and he wouldn’t yield. He smoked and drank until the end; he paraded and demonstrated when he could hardly stand. Indeed, he very nearly died at last year’s Durham Miners’ Gala, but, clinging onto the railings to hold himself up, he refused to take a taxi to the hospital, demanding that the Cole Pits Pub was the only destination he was heading for. He went through hell this last year. He refused to give up, always believing he’d beat cancer and come back. Mick was my friend and comrade for over a half a century. We shared so much. We had the privilege to have been teenagers in the 1960s and to set ourselves a benchmark for freedom, for justice whatever the law said, until in our own 60s we still aspired to those same values because we couldn’t live any other way. Mick was a character round the towns. Gateshead and Newcastle were his stomping grounds, where he met tens of thousands of people, debated with whole cities over the bar table. People all over Tyneside knew Mick; he will be a huge loss. You were a diamond marra! I will miss you in 10,000 ways.

Sponsor an Industrial Worker subscription for a prisoner! The IWW often has fellow workers & allies in prison who write to us requesting a subscription to the Industrial Worker, the official newspaper of the IWW. This is your chance to show solidarity! For only $18 you can buy one full year’s worth of workingclass news from around the world for a fellow worker in prison. Just visit: http://store.iww.org/industrialworker-sub-prisoner.html to order the subscription

SPONsOR AN INDUsTRiAL WORKER SUBsCRiPTiON FOR A PRisONER

Page 12 • Industrial Worker • January/February 2014

Greece: Five-Month TV Studio Occupation Ended

The IWW formed the International Solidarity Commission to help the union build the worker-to-worker solidarity that can lead to effective action against the bosses of the world. To contact the ISC, email [email protected].

By the IWW International Solidarity Commission (ISC) The time is ripe for international solidarity with inspiring movements taking shape around the world. The incoming ISC intends to build on the work of previous Commissions, while finding new campaigns and projects that are of interest to us. T h e 2 0 1 3 I S C is wrapping up an actionpacked year with campaigns and activities reaching many parts of the world. The ISC focused on supporting the struggle of our Greek fellow workers to rebuild the radical workers movement; connecting with workers’ struggles in East Asia, including raising funds for the Hong Kong dockworkers strike and organizing a speaking tour about the Foxconn workers; as well as building our bonds with unions affiliated to the International Workers Association (IWA-AIT) and the Red & Black Coordination. The 2013 ISC also did much to further the growth of the IWW as a global union by supporting our branches and groups in Europe and Uganda. The incoming 2014 ISC features J. Pierce, Bill B., and Florian H., from Phoenix, Ariz.; Portland, Ore.; and Toronto, Ontario, respectively. FW J. Pierce returns this year, having been on the ISC back in 2004, with new interest in the world of miners’ struggles. Based on the experiences of the Phoenix IWW in supporting miners in West Papua and his current relationship with the Cananean miners, J. hopes to both connect miners’ struggles globally as well as assist branches in targeting a local corporate headquarters and communicating with that company’s overseas employees. “The ISC has come a long ways in the last decade,” remarks J. “We’ve had delega-

2014: A New Year For International Solidarity

tions to Haiti, Palestine, and Northern Mexico. We’ve hosted tours and led campaigns and assisted in the growth of the global IWW. We’ve built up so many strong relationships that our incoming ISC has a lot of great material to work with.” FW Bill B. comes to the ISC with decades of international experience having lived in Asia, Latin America, the Middle East, and Europe and having visited over 50 countries. “Just because I have a lot of experience,” explains Bill, “that doesn’t mean I don’t have a lot to learn. I appreciate the guidance and advice of all hands, old and new, and look forward to working together.” FW Florian H. was a successful, if spontaneous, write-in candidate to this year’s ISC. Florian brings to the Commission his work with the Freie Arbeiterinnen-und Arbeiter-Union (FAU-IWA) in Germany and his international experiences in the auto industry overseas, having traveled to many different countries and taken part in the workers’ movements there. “As solidarity is our weapon, international solidarity is our silver bullet in our struggles and campaigns. Within the new ISC I am happy to provide my international experience to improve our worldwide relationship to revolutionary unions as well as continue and start international campaigns.” On the agenda for 2014 is continuing and expanding the ISC’s “Working Groups” based on region or interests. We want to create strong working groups to support our allies, such as the National Garment Workers Federation in Bangladesh or the Independent Workers Federation of Palestine, and multiply the IWW’s efforts to build an invincible working-class movement the world over.

From Libcom.org On Nov. 7, 2013, riot police in Greece broke up a fivemonth occupation of the ERT studio in Athens. ERT was the Greek state television station equivalent to the BBC in the United Kingdom or RT in Russia. Police took the ERT off the air due to austerity mea- Police evict journalists from TV studio. Photo: libcom.org sures by the Greek government. The journalists from ERT The police combed the studio to see if the decided to occupy their workplace rather occupiers had damaged equipment. The then be laid off. These fellow workers de- government is now giving the studio to a clared that the ERT would still be on the air new state TV station. The reason for the and continued to broadcast the station via closing of ERT had to do with its criticism the internet. However, riot police finally of austerity measures, and many think that evicted the journalists from the occupied this is an effort to produce a new state studio. The government defended the TV station that will be less critical of the raid, saying the occupation was “illegal.” government’s polices.

Workers In India Shut Down Mines
From Libcom.org Workers in the Odisha state of India are revolting over the employer’s attempt to replace them with scabs. Around 1,000 workers shut down coal mines and ransacked railway stations. Many of the workers fought pitch battle with those who remained loyal to the bosses. Many of the workers also burned down management offices. The rioting workers damaged train tracks

and destroyed 40 mine transportation vehicles. The trouble began when the police tried to arrest 49 workers for protesting the company’s Photo: libcom.org decision to replace 100 of the union workers with scab labor. The police in Odisha are usually in the pocket of the company so it should come as no surprise that the workers rioted in an attempt to inspirit the workers who were picketing.

IWW Solidarity With Workers In Iran

IWW Lithuania Stands In Solidarity With Victims Of Latvia Supermarket Collapse

By IWW Lithuania The roof of Maxima supermarket collapsed in Riga, Latvia on Nov. 22, 2013, leaving 52 dead and 30 injured. Due to grevious breaches of work and construction safety, the roof of a supermarket collapsed on itself in Riga, the capital of Latvia, killing Two days after the supermarket collapse. Photo: wikimedia.org and burying workers and shoppers beneath the rubble. In ad- that alarm sirens were going on and off dition to that three rescue workers were for one hour before the collapse. Eyewitkilled when the building collapsed for the nesses said that security guards ordered the shoppers to pay for their purchases second time. Construction work had been occuring before leaving the building. Maxima is a retail chain operating on the roof of the supermarket. Large bags of construction materials and soil were left in the Baltic states and Bulgaria. It is the on a weak spot of the roof and could have largest Lithuanian capital company and caused the collapse. Several reinforced the largest employer in the Baltic states. It steel beams fell over at once, which might is well-known for poor working conditions indicate that engineers failed to properly and for abusing workers’ rights, which was calculate load pressure on the roof. Res- recently documented in an investigative cue workers also noticed that concrete report by Re:Baltica (a non-profit organization for investigative journalism). constructions were suspiciously fragile. The capitalist class once again proved The administration of the supermarket ordered the workers to stay in their that profit is the only sacred thing for workplaces and did not proceed with the them. IWW Lithuania stands in solidarity evacuation of shoppers despite the fact with the victims of this tragedy.

By the ISC and dental problems. Whereas workers of the Because of such amalInternational Alliance in gamation of health issues, Support of Workers in Iran a cervical spine operation (IASWI) have asked us to was performed on Reza in issue a statement in solidarJuly 2012, but despite his ity with imprisoned union physicians’ recommendaactivist Reza Shahabi, tions for further hospital Be it resolved that the care and physiotherapy, International Solidarity he was returned to his cell, Commission send the folwhich has further caused lowing statement of solidarmany problems. ity to IASWI and publish it After close to threein IWW media: and-a-half years of incarThe Industrial Work- Photo: arshama3.wordpress.com ceration, the coroner has ers of the World protests the continued examined Reza’s conditions inside Evin incarceration of Reza Shahabi, the Trea- prison, and based on an MRI scan has surer and Executive Board member of determined that three lower vertebrates the Syndicate of Workers of Tehran and have been damaged and are in need of imSuburbs Bus Company, and join his fam- mediate surgery in a hospital. It should be ily's demand for his immediate release. noted that Reza has been suffering from Reza was charged with “gathering lower back pain for months, his left foot and colluding against national security” becoming almost paralyzed as a result, and “spreading propaganda against the with very little mobility left in it. system.” These are all sham charges. Reza Due to numbness of left foot and Shahabi is a worker and labor activist. severe back pain, on Oct. 19, 2013, Reza We condemn the imprisonment and was transferred to “Imam Khomeini persecution of Reza Shahabi, and that of Hospital.” After all examinations, physiall other workers who organize and fight cians have once again recommended that for better conditions in Iran, including Reza is in no condition to be returned Shahrokh Zamani, Mohammad Jarahi, to a prison environment and is in need Behnam Ebrahimzadeh and Pedram of hydrotherapy and physiotherapy in Nasrolaahi. a stress-free environment outside of We demand the immediate release of prison. They have also warned that unless Reza Shahabi! such treatments are provided there is a very high possibility that his entire left Background information received side could be paralyzed. from the IASWI We, the family of Reza Shahabi, his Workers, labor organizations and wife and two children, declare that based all people of conscious! As you are all on doctors’ recommendations, Reza canaware, Reza Shahabi, a transit worker not endure prison conditions at all and and a member of the board of directors must be released immediately. We hold of the Syndicate of Workers of Tehran security and judiciary officials responand Suburbs Bus Company, has been sible for Reza’s severe condition. We ask incarcerated in Tehran’s Evin Prison all labor organizations and activists in since June 12, 2010, only because of his Iran and around the world to continue advocacy for workers’ rights and support- protesting against Reza’s prolonged ining the demands of his fellow workers. carceration. During these years of unjust im- Robabeh Rezaie (spouse), Mohamprisonment, Reza has suffered from an mad Amin Shahabi (son) and Shirin array of health problems, including but Shahabi (daughter). not limited to: decaying of a few lower This statement was published by vertebrates, problems with back and neck the Reza Shahabi Defence Committee disks, liver and kidney complications, on Oct. 23, 2013, and was translated by numbness of feet and hands, heart issues the IASWI.