Social Involvement in the Pentecostal Tradition
Content
Social Involvement in the
Pentecostal Tradition
Karina Loayza Silva
NGO’s and Development in Missions
GORDON-CONWELL THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
December, 2015
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1.
INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 2
2.
LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY ..................................................................................... 2
3.
THE BIRTH OF THE GLOBAL PENTECOSTAL MOVEMENT .................................. 4
3.1.
THE BACKGROUND OF PENTECOSTALISM ...................................................... 5
3.2.
THE BIRTH OF PENTECOSTALISM ...................................................................... 7
3.3.
PENTECOSTALS IN SOUTH AMERICA ................................................................ 9
3.3.1.
Pentecostalism in Chile ........................................................................................ 9
3.3.2.
Pentecostalism in Brazil ..................................................................................... 12
3.3.3.
General Panorama of the growth of Pentecostalism in Latin America .............. 13
4.
SOCIAL INVOLVEMENT OF PENTECOSTAL CHURCHES .................................... 16
5.
CONCLUSIONS AND REFLECTIONS ......................................................................... 19
6.
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 20
1. INTRODUCTION
“We need to be careful about not to mix the denominations”. These were the words of one of
the leaders in my local church previous an evangelistic campaign we did in conjunction with
other churches in Lima, Peru. Her concern was due mainly because a Pentecostal church was
part of the group and the other three were Baptist, ours included, so she did not want our
joined service to be disordered or messy. This ordinary situation may be helpful to show the
reader a pervasive and implicit understanding among many conservative middle-class
churches which is that Pentecostal churches do not have a solid theology in regards of
salvation, their services are very disordered because of their extravagant and ecstatic worship
style, and many practices in the church are considered legalistic. I think that this one-size-fitsall conception of Pentecostalism is hindering not only an important learning experience but
also depriving us of the opportunity to enhance our ministries because after all the
Pentecostal church has proven to be the fastest growing denomination around the globe and
also the most engaged in social action. So the purpose of this research is to learn from the
Pentecostal tradition in order to extract some valuable lessons that could be apply in the
context of our local churches whether they are Pentecostals or not. In order to do so we begin
our discussion with the birth of the Pentecostal movement, then we will follow its growth and
discuss the theories that have tried to explain its exponential explosion around the globe.
Because the Pentecostal phenomenon is considered very adaptable to its context, this research
will focus its analysis in South America. Some examples will be given to show the social
engagement of the church in this context. Finally, this research will draw some valuable
reflections on the Pentecostal effort to walk with the poor.
2. LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
According to the estimations from the Center for the Study of Global Christianity there are
about 279 million Pentecostal Christians in the world which represents more than 12% of all
Christians and about 4% of the world’s total population1. Based on this fact, we will not dare
to put together the different Pentecostal traditions and orientations in one single group but
will focus on a type of Pentecostalism defined by Miller and Yamamori in their book “Global
Pentecostalism” as Progressive Pentecostals. Therefore, it is convenient to identify and
describe, following the research of Miller and Yamamori2, the five different organizational
types of Pentecostalism along with the four different orientations across these types.
Classical Pentecostalism which traces its roots to the religious revivals of the late 18 th
century and to the prayer meeting at Bethel Bible College in 1901. These events led to the
launch in 1916 of the Assemblies of God, a denomination that now has over 370,000
churches and more than 61 million adherents around the world3.
Indigenous Pentecostals traditions which are independent in their origin, their development is
spontaneous and they are not the result of any missionary effort from the West.
Independent Neo-Pentecostal churches which are started by charismatic and market-savvy
individuals in response of a perceived lack of vitality in the current religious environment.
These churches find their niche mainly among teens and young adults for whom they offer a
religious experience more attuned with their cultural background.
Charismatic Renewal Movement which includes mainstream Protestant and Catholics
congregations within a movement that adopts a more vibrant expression of worship and
prayer and practice of speaking in tongues, prophesy and healings.
1
Pew Research Center. December 19, 2011. http://www.pewforum.org/2011/12/19/global-christianity-exec/
(accessed November 28, 2015)
2
Miller, Donald, and Tetsunao Yamamori. Global Pentecostalism. London, England: University of California
Press, 2007.
3
AG, General Secretary's office. Statistics on the Assemblies of God. 2014.
http://ag.org/top/About/Statistics/index.cfm (accessed November 28, 2015).
Proto-charismatic Christians which include congregations that may not belong to a
Pentecostal or charismatic church however their practices are similar to those of
Pentecostalism.
Within these different expressions of Pentecostalism we find also different orientations. First,
we find that some Pentecostal churches are legalistic in their effort to set apart themselves
from the world. However, there is a new generation within these churches that is looking to
leave these practices of the former generations. Second, we find the health-and-wealth
megachurches which their emphasis on the materialistic well-being of their followers. Third,
and the focus of this research, we find a more balanced orientation among Pentecostals who
Miller and Yamamori define with the term of Progressive Pentecostals. This movement
began to emerge in the 90s decade and modeled their faith in a more holistic and integral way
following the example of Jesus’ ministry and leaving behind their former otherworldly
mindset and engaging their communities through innovative social ministries. This third
orientation can be found in the Classical Pentecostal church type but more frequently in NeoPentecostal churches which are more familiar with contemporary organizational structures.
Finally, we identify a group churches which follow a pattern and customs of Pentecostalism
but in a moderate way. Miller and Nakamori define this orientation as routinized
Pentecostalism.
3. THE BIRTH OF THE GLOBAL PENTECOSTAL MOVEMENT
It is not wise trying to understand a social phenomenon without going back to its roots in
order to discern the possible reasons or motivations behind its social involvement. For
instance, Pentecostal theologian Cheryl Bridget Johns asserts that from its historical
beginnings among the poor in North America, Pentecostalism was always a movement of
conscientizacion4.
3.1. THE BACKGROUND OF PENTECOSTALISM
The turn of the 20th century in the United States found a fertile ground for revivalism in U.S.
society. First, the Second Great Awakening (1800-1850) had left open doors to the entering
of the social gospel. Second, the period of reconstruction after the Civil war led to a sense of
optimism and idealism that was embedded in people's response to the new challenges of the
new century. Third, there was a general response among American Protestants to social
problems through various programs. This response along with a strong call to evangelize the
non-Christian world made the 19th century be declared as the “Christian Century” 5. The
theological and doctrinal perspective of the church to address these issues was divided. On
the one hand, there was the holiness movement from which the Pentecostal movement
received its influence and inspiration. Since many of these holiness churches would become
Pentecostal after the Azusa Street Revival it is important for the purpose of this research to
understand their dynamics. Holiness believers of Methodist background were very committed
to perfectionism, a purity of intention and eradication of unholy desire, as an essential
Christian mark. While the other group of holiness churches without Wesleyan background
believe that power for Christian service was the principal fruit of sanctification, and
suppression of sinful desire instead of its eradication is the highest standard for Christian
life6. On the other hand, there was the response of the Social Gospel tradition which
emphasized a gradual work of sanctification in the life of the individual as well as there is a
4
Johns, Cheryl Bridget. Pentecostal Formation. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993
5
Wingeier-Rayo, Philip D. Where are the Poor? : a comparison of the ecclesial base communities and
pentecostalism -a case study in Cuernavaca, Mexico. Eugener, OR: Pickwick Publications, 2011. pp. 10.
6
McGee, Stanley M. Burgess and Gary B. Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements. Grand
Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House, 1988.
progressive revelation of God along with the pace of times which works toward social
changes in society.7 Some Scholars, like the Methodist historian Charles Yrigoyen, explain
the separation of many holiness churches from the Methodist Episcopal Church on account of
the incompatibility between the holiness movement and the Social Gospel tradition. Others,
like Johns B. explains the separation out of a perceived abandonment of Methodism to the
needs of the people and the quest for personal piety8. For Johns, “the experience of
sanctification brought about a new moral and social sensibility” 9 and this in turn would lead
the holiness adherents to address issues like slavery, extreme poverty, and illiteracy.
Finally, as Johns B. points out, Pentecostalism has deep roots in black spirituality. African
American pastor William James Seymour who is considered by many as the father of the
Pentecostal movement was the son of former slaves. The black influence on Pentecostalism is
summarized by W. Hollenweger as follows:
Orality of liturgy,
Narrativity of theology and witness,
Maximum participation at the levels of reflection, prayer and decision-making and
therefore a form of community that is reconciliatory,
Inclusion of dreams and visions into personal and public forms of worship; they
function as a kind of icon for the individual and the community.
An understanding of the body/mind relationship that is informed by experiences of
correspondence between the body and mind; the most striking application of this insight
is the ministry of healing by prayer 10.
In summary, we find that Pentecostalism absorbed an emphasis on sanctification from the
holiness revivals which positively is seen into its intentional emphasis of showing God’s
kingdom like behavior and negatively into its developing an otherworldly mentality. Also,
7
(Wingeier-Rayo, 26)
8
Johns, Cheryl Bridges. Pentecostal Formation: A Pedagogy among the Oppressed. Melksman, Wiltshire:
Cromwell Press, 1993.
9
Ibid. 65.
10
W. Hollenweger cited by Johns, Cheryl Bridges in Pentecostal Formation. p.67
from black spirituality Pentecostalism kept the emphasis upon an oral and dynamic liturgy,
participation of the whole community and the freely practice of visions and dreams.
3.2. THE BIRTH OF PENTECOSTALISM
It has being said that from its origins Pentecostalism showed a radical and countercultural
equality between blacks and whites, men and women and rich and poor. The active presence
of the Spirit put everyone at the same level because we all are in need of salvation.
Pentecostalism stood against the established order of its day by putting together whites and
blacks in worship in total defiance of the Jim Crows laws11. These two facets of
Pentecostalism regarding countercultural social patterns and its ecstatic religious practices
gave many of its followers a “siege mentality”, leading them to apart themselves to the rest of
the “world”. But after the World War II, Pentecostals were gradually accepted by the more
traditional churches so much so that they were part of the formation on the National
Association of Evangelicals in 1943, and also started to receive second generation middle
class members. These changes according to Johns B. were a sign that Pentecostals were
losing its sect-like characteristics, however there is still a “corporate memory” of its
revolutionary roots12.
The roots of the early Pentecostal movement can be traced back to Bethel Bible School in
Topeka, Kansas, 1901. His founder, former Methodist and holiness preacher, Charles Fox
Parham (1873-1929) was an ardent believer that the baptism of the Holy Spirit was available
to all believers who lived a holy life, and that the gift of tongues meant the acquisition of a
foreign language without prior knowledge of it (xenolalia). This would be the ultimate tool
for the task of world evangelization with which he was very committed to.
11
Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Movement, p.165 cited in Johns, Cheryl Bridges. Pentecostal Formation: A
Pedagogy among the Oppressed. Melksman, Wiltshire: Cromwell Press, 1993.
12
Ibid. 70.
In January 1906, William J. Seymour attended Parham’s Bible school for about six weeks,
and during this period Seymour was influenced by the teachings and ideas of Parham about
world evangelization, holiness, divine healing, premillennialism, and in particular his
teachings about the baptism of the Holy Spirit and the Bible evidence for the gift of tongues,
though Seymour was convinced that this gift was the evidence of baptism he was not fully
convinced that it consisted of a known human language meant for missionary purposes.
Neither had he agree with Parham’s doctrine of the annihilation of the wicked and the AngloIsraelite theory13.
Shortly after on 22th February 1906, Seymour travelled to Los Angeles where after initial
difficulties he began a Bible study group of few people in a small house and later, in need of
a larger space, they rented a building at 312 Azusa Street, popularly called as “Azusa Street
Mission”. The growth of the African American mission is well documented. Records from
period estimate that the congregants at Azusa Street Mission reached about fifteen hundred
people on any given Sunday during 1906 14.
One of the most important aspects of the Azusa Street Mission, according to Cecil M. Robeck
Jr. is that it continues to serve as an example for its outreach to the marginalized- the poor,
women, and people of color15. The missionary zeal is also an aspect to consider as important.
The same year it was founded, the mission sent several evangelistic missions into many
different regions in U.S territory and even sent at least thirteen missionaries to Africa. By
early 1907, they already had missionaries in Mexico, Canada, Western Europe, the Middle
13
Parham’s racist theology states that the Twelve Tribes of Israel had gone into captivity, but only two had
returned to the land of Israel. Those once lost ten tribes could now be identified with the Anglo-Saxon people.
He viewed the Anglo-Saxon Protestants as in some way specially blessed by God, as superior people, and this
inevitably placed African Americans and other people of color at a distinct disadvantage. (Robeck Jr.,Cecil, 48)
14
Cecil M. Robeck, Jr. The Asuza Street: Mission and Revival. The Birth of the Global Pentecostal Movement.
Nashville, Tennesse: Thomas Nelson, Inc., 2001.
15
Ibid., 13.
East, West Africa and several countries in Asia. By 1908, they had presence in South Africa,
Central and Eastern Europe, and Northern Russia16.
3.3. PENTECOSTALS IN SOUTH AMERICA
The history of the Pentecostal movement in Latin America is not well documented since most
of the pioneer leaders left very few records and even those who did so they were not
meticulous in compiling and analyzing the events17. In addition to this, the progress of the
movement is very different in each country, Pentecostalism has been described as a very
adaptable movement and dependent on the particular context in which it develops. Therefore,
we will focus on Chile and Brazil where the history of the movement is best documented.
Then finally we will present a general panorama of the growth of Pentecostalism in Latin
American countries.
3.3.1. Pentecostalism in Chile
According to the PewForum’s 2006 Pentecostal survey18, the Protestant population in Chile is
one of the most “pentecostalized” in Latin America. Roughly two-thirds of all Protestants are
either Pentecostal or charismatic, and approximately one quarter of all Catholics are
charismatic.
In Chile, the history of the movement began with the efforts of American Methodist
missionary William Taylor who since 1877 promoted the developing of self-supported
churches by recruiting missionaries in the United States who would come then to Chile and
there sustain themselves by working in English-speaking schools. His efforts were well paid
because the Methodist church grew tenfold during 1897-1908 and mainly among the lower
class and uneducated people. Taylor’s recruiting was successful among Methodist of
16
Ibid., 8.
17
Justo Gonzales; Ondina Gonzales. Christianity in Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press,
18
2008.
The Pew Forum. Spirit and Power: A 10-country survey on Pentecostals. Washington: Pew Forum, 2006.
revivalist tendencies of the lower classes without high education, they were more comfortable
working among the poor and the uneducated in Chile. This was a cause of critics and
humiliation on part of some mainline Protestant missionaries saying for instance that “the
Presbyterian Church was far ahead the Methodist church, among other things, in culture and
education” referring in particular to Methodist pastor William Hoover 19. He brought in the
experience of “baptism of the Holy Spirit” to his church. He was trained by William H.
Durham, who had been baptized by the Holy Spirit at Azusa Street in 1907, at the North
Avenue Mission in Chicago 20.
The Pentecostal revival began in the eve of New Year in 1909 at Hoover’s Methodist church
in Valparaiso where according to the account of Hoover himself was a “manifestation of the
Holy Spirit”. The events at Hoover’s church were not the only ones, other Methodist
churches in the city of Santiago found this new religious fervor. Some believers who claimed
to have the gift of prophecy asked the pastor for an opportunity to speak to the congregation
when he refused to do so many conflicts started within the church. Seeking to address the
recent events, the entire governing body of the Methodist church in Chile gathered in the
Annual Conference at Valparaiso. Charges of insubordination bordering on heresy were
brought against Hoover who, though he was acquitted, finally left the Methodist church two
months later with five hundred members in order to create the “Iglesia Metodista
Pentecostal”21 with Hoover as its pastor. Unfortunately, this pattern of schism within the
church became a routine even until today not only in Chile but also in most Latin American
countries. Two other churches in Santiago followed the lead and created the “Primera Iglesia
19
Ibid. 272.
20
Wingeier-Rayo, Philip D. Where are the Poor? : a comparison of the ecclesial base communities and
pentecostalism -a case study in Cuernavaca, Mexico. Eugener, OR: Pickwick Publications, 2011. p.15.
21
Translated in English as “Methodist Pentecostal Church”
Metodista Nacional” (First National Methodist Church), and the “Segunda Iglesia Metodista
Nacional” (Second National Methodist Church). Later, Hoover agreed to become the
superintendent of the created denomination. The term “National” attached to the new created
churches is an indicator that the conflict was beyond doctrinal differences and forms of
worship. It was also a conflict between the more recently arrived and foreign missionaries
who valued more education and order and also whose vision was to work among the middle
class that they represented and the new and developing national leadership along with earlier
missionaries who preferred to work among the marginalized in the urban centers of Santiago
and Valparaiso22.
In summary, the Pentecostal movement grew in the first place among Protestants who left the
mainline denominations in order to join the Methodist Pentecostal church or another similar
denomination. But later, it started attracting converts from among the Catholic population in
the urban centers. The appeal of the Pentecostal movement seems related to its impression of
being a caring community and that for a population marginalized by its poverty was a direct
help to a need that the Catholic Church was not attending at that moment. This along with the
attraction of the miraculous healings and the experiences with the Holy Spirit convinced
people to join the emergent Pentecostal church.
The evangelistic zeal that we have already seen after the events at Azusa Street are also found
in the Iglesia Metodista Pentecostal which from its very beginnings sent workers to open new
places of worship, usually in a rented home. In this way they opened new congregations, or
sometimes people who moved to another area would start gathering in their home. We can
see that theological training of the leadership was not a requirement and this is congruent
with the emphasis of the movement on emotion, freedom and spontaneity with the same
possibility to attain positions of leadership. However, as J. Gonzales notes, one of the
22
Justo and Ondina Gonzales; Christianity in Latin America. p. 276.
problems that have frequently plagued Pentecostalism elsewhere in Latin America is the
authoritarian attitude of some of its pastors and leaders.
3.3.2. Pentecostalism in Brazil
Since its time as a Portuguese colony, Brazil has been a strongly Catholic country. Even
today, Brazil has the highest Roman Catholic population in the world. However, this
panorama is been changing in recent decades. The last Brazilian census in 2010 shows that
the percentage of the Brazilian population who identifies as Catholic has been dropping on a
constant rate from 92% in 1970 to 65% in 2010. On the other hand, the percentage of the
protestant23 population has been rising rapidly from only 5% in 1970 to 22% in 2010.
In particular, the growth of Pentecostalism in Brazil has been noticeable. In 1991, the census
indicated that about 6% of the Protestant population belonged to a Pentecostal church, and by
2010 this percentage grew to 13%24.
The early history of the Pentecostal movement in Brazil is very similar to what we have
already seen in Chile. Its founder was Luigi Francescon, an Italian immigrant who while
living in Chicago was attending a church deeply influenced by the Azusa Street Revival. Not
long after he and his wife were "baptized in the Holy Spirit", they felt the Lord were calling
them to South America to work among Italian immigrants. They arrived to São Paulo in 1909
and started working in a Presbyterian church. A schism happened when his speaking of
tongues and inviting others to seek the baptism of the Holy Spirit were not well received. He
left the congregation taking the dissident group with him and with them, and others from a
different mainline protestant congregations and even Catholics, founded the Congregação
Crista no Brasil (Christian Congregation in Brazil) which according to the national census in
23
“Protestant” in Latin American context include evangelical mainline denominations as well as those who
belong to traditional and independent Pentecostal denominations.
24
The Pew Forum. Brazil's Changing Religious Lanscape. Washington: Pew Forum, 2013.
2010 is the third biggest denomination with about 2.2 million members 25. According to the
Hispanic historian Justo Gonzales, its growth was mostly urban as it is the case with most
other Pentecostal churches in Latin America.
Another important Pentecostal denomination is the Brazilian Assemblies of God which was
founded by independent missionaries from the United States. As Francescon, the founders of
the Missão da Fe Apostolica (Mission of the Apostolic Faith) were two Sweden immigrants
who joined the Pentecostal movement in the Midwest and then felt a call to go to Brazil.
Daniel Berg and Gunnar Vingren arrived in Brazil in 1911 and shortly after started their
ministry in a Baptist church in Belem do Para that only in few months went through a
division when the pastor did not agree with the teachings of the Sweden missionaries. In
1918, the Missão da Fe Apostolica decided to establish links, so changing its name, with the
Assemblies of God in the United States, a young denomination founded in 1918 that joined a
number of churches affected by the Azusa Street Revival 26. This denomination is the largest
in Brazil with about 14.4 million members by the beginning of the 21th century.
3.3.3. General Panorama of the growth of Pentecostalism in Latin America
Pentecostalism in Latin America during its early period became the church of the poor, “the
haven of the masses” as sociologist C.L. D'Epinay has qualified the movement. Furthermore,
its initial evangelistic zeal, its offering of a caring community for the marginalized along with
the creation of spaces where they have access to positions of leadership and authority since it
is the Holy Spirit which empowers the believers to be used by God, all made of it
25
Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística. s.f.
http://www.ibge.gov.br/home/estatistica/populacao/censo2010/caracteristicas_religiao_deficiencia/default_c
aracteristicas_religiao_deficiencia.shtm (último acceso: 8 de December de 2015).
26
Justo Gonzales; Ondina Gonzales. Christianity in Latin America, p.281.
Pentecostalism a very powerful movement27. This could be seen in contrast to the mainline
Protestant churches in Latin America who have attracted principally middle-class members
and, as we have seen in the early history of the movement, the first Pentecostal churches were
formed out of dissident members of the mainstream protestant traditions and then started their
outreach among lower classes in the urban areas. From this point on the expansion of the
Pentecostal movement has proved wrong Western scholars about the death of Christianity,
and the impact of its growth has changed the center of gravity in the Christian world shifting
from the West or the so-called First world to the South, to Latin America, Africa and Asia 28.
Many scholars have discussed the possible factors for the exponential growth of
Pentecostalism. But as we already have mentioned, the movement takes a different form in
each context, then we only can make some general statements about the bigger picture and
then try to evaluate if our theories make sense into a particular context. Historian Justo
Gonzales in his book “Christianity in Latin America” presents seven characteristics of
Pentecostalism that he considers are present, at least in some extent, in most Latin American
countries. We are going to take some of his insights as a starting point and then try to
interpret how some of these particular characteristics may be related with the involvement of
Pentecostals in social ministries.
First, there are three periods in the history of Pentecostalism in Latin America: (1) 19091929. The beginnings, as we have already seen in Chile and Brazil, (2) 1930-1960.
Stabilization and Organization, where the new created church finds its character, develops or
establish forms of government, sets its statement of faith. (3) 1960 – present. This is the time
for multiplication and exponential growth. Unfortunately, it is a time of the rise of “heretical
Pentecostal movements”. It is very interesting to note that not all the South American
27
(Wingeier-Rayo 2011), p.26.
28
Jenkins, Philip. The Next Christendom. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.
countries are in the same stage of development. For instance, in Peru 29 the start of Pentecostal
growth dates from the late seventies.
Second, Pentecostalism in its first generation was born among the poor in the urban areas
then moving into small and rural areas. But later in the second and third generations, not only
it began attracting the middle class but also its members began to improve economically.
The social perspective gained from a personal experience with poverty is definitely a decisive
factor for the awareness of the need of the poor.
Third, even though it is true that some Pentecostal churches have legalistic and otherworldly
orientations, they seem to develop a social sensitivity as they mature and then they become
increasingly involved in “mercy ministries” as they usually call their outreaches to help the
poor. Also, along with its numerical growth comes an interest in politics since their presence
in society in some countries is very relevant.
Along with the maturity and numerical growth of the church come many challenges that the
church faces when it became more involved in its community. For instance, most mercy
ministries have as a goal to relieve an immediate need.
Fourth, the freedom that from the birth of Pentecostalism was provided to all believers to
attain positions in leadership has resulted in the break of the traditional roles for men and
women in the church in several denominations and independent churches.
The emphasis on the empowerment of the Holy Spirit and the bestowing of gifts to all
believers gives a new set of values that give dignity and worth to all people without
differences of race, sex, or economic status. This unity of the body creates a caring
community just as it was in the early church.
29
Edited by Barbara Boudewijnse, Andre Droogers, and Frans Kamsteeg. More than Opium. London: The
Scarecrow Press, 1998.
Fifth, some sociologist and historians of religion have noted a connection between
Pentecostalism and Latin American religiosity which is a mix between the Catholicism
inherited by the colonist and the ancient native spirituality. For instance, the very rhythmic
style of worship and repetitive phrases, the appeal for physical healing, the traditional vows
characteristic of the Catholic tradition that are somewhat similar to Pentecostal testimonies.
Sixth, the strong tendency to schism within churches that gives a total picture of
Pentecostalism in Latin America of a few very large denominations as well as thousands of
independent churches and minor denominations.
Finally, and to give a critical evaluation of the movement, J. Gonzales calls to our attention
that there is often a strong note of triumphalism among Pentecostals that Latin America
would become “Christian” and that eventually and naturally will lead to a better social order.
This perspective, J. Gonzales says, led many Pentecostals leaders in Guatemala to support
General Rios Montt30 who was a first a lay Pastor at the Iglesia Pentecostal del Verbo
(Pentecostal Verbo Church) before assuming the presidency of his country (1982-83) and
then later in 2013 was facing charges of genocide and crimes against humanity31.
4. SOCIAL INVOLVEMENT OF PENTECOSTAL CHURCHES
Various scholars of Pentecostalism in Latin America have characterized the movement as a
religion which identifies with the needs of the poor 32. In addition to this, as Johns B. proposes,
Pentecostalism offers an environment conducive to conscientizacion that includes the spiritualaffective and oral dimensions of human interaction33.
30
Christianity Today. s.f. http://www.christianitytoday.com/gleanings/2013/may/guatemalas-evangelicaldictator-found-guilty-of-genocide.html (último acceso: 9 de 12 de 2015).
31
Federación Internacional de Derechos Humanos. Genocidio en Guatemala: RIos Montt culpable. FIDH, 2013.
32
Mariz, Cecilia Loreto. Coping with Poverty. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994.
33
C. B. Johns, Pentecostal Formation, pp. 26
Therefore, if these observations are true then we should certainly find them in action among
the many Pentecostal churches spread around the world, or for the purpose of this study, in
South America. This is what Miller and Yamamori did for about 4 years among fast growing,
indigenous and self-supportive Pentecostal churches located in the developing world. Their
findings would give us a clear picture of how Pentecostal social ministries look like in everyday
life. The following examples are given to portray the outreach of these ministries.
Renascer Church34 (Reborn in Christ) in Sao Paulo, Brazil. The church feeds about 2,500
people every night. This ministry is partially subsided by from offerings, but people also buy
and bring food to the church for distribution to the poor.35 Volunteers work among the
homeless in the urban area of Sao Paulo on a regular basis, they do not preach but pray with
the people and their ministry is done without calling the attention of media, or for political
interest.
Resurrection 2000 church in Santiago, Chile. On a weekly basis, except Sundays, volunteers
from the church serve a sit-down meal for 200-250 people. They shelter the people for lunch
regardless of church membership, the one stipulation is that adults need to bring a child with
them. Again, there is no preaching during lunch and funds for the ministry are raised through
radio advertisings and members also bring food to share with the poor.
Feeding the people is a very conventional way to address a specific need of the community.
But hunger and poverty are not the only challenges the church finds within a community, and
most of the time these needs are the compass they use to direct their efforts. For instance, in
Argentina and Chile many programs deal with domestic violence and family-related issues. A
Pentecostal church in Chile have a Youth Encounter program that seeks to break generational
34
Renascer church was involved in a serious investigation for mishandling of money. Its two founders, Estevam
and Sônia Hernandes, appeared in court in the US accused of trying to smuggle $56,467 in cash through Miami
airport. Source: http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/19/world/americas/19brazil.html?_r=0.
35
Miller and Yamamori, Global Pentecostalism, pp.45
bridges between teens and their parents. In addition to this, they run Marriage Encounter
weekends. In the barrios36 of Caracas, Venezuela. Miller and Yamamori found sister
Marlena, a woman who became a Pentecostal Christian after the killing of her son. She
founded a mission among teenagers and young adults which life conditions are devastating
and life-threatening. These youth finds in her a surrogate mother, and in their faith expressed
through Pentecostal practices, a way out from their daily temptations. An interesting note
about this community is that it is very effective in transforming the libidinal energies of this
youth into the act of worship. Miller and Yamamori say that “religion seemed to be bringing
order to their lives at the very time that it was allowing for ecstatic release. This may be the
unique genius of Pentecostalism.37
The Church of the Open Door in Buenos Aires, Argentina. The youth group of this church
grew from 90 people to 350 in only 5 years. Its growth seems due to the fact that the Bible
study of Saturdays finds a real connection through the community service in which these
young people are involved on a weekly basis. They have found that being disciples of Jesus
give a real purpose and a meaning to their life. Their ministries include feeding the homeless,
visiting the elderly, join church leaders in taking mental patients from the psychiatric hospital
on day trips. Along with these activities, there are the more usual programs for youth that we
are all used to see in our churches, contemporary music, physical activities and Saturday
outings.
Even though there are still many Pentecostal churches which has not move out from the old
tradition of personal holiness and otherworldly mentality, there are many others, like those in
our examples that are engaging their communities, facing the challenges that come from
everyday life within the barrios. They create their ministries to attend the need in front of
36
“Barrio” is a low-class neighborhood. It is usually very crowded and dangerous for outsiders.
37
(Miller and Yamamori, 87)
them, they need to be innovative in facing the challenges of this broken world, and their
Christian faith is put to the test in ways that do not occur with the same frequency in the socalled first world countries.
5. CONCLUSIONS AND REFLECTIONS
When we go back to the roots of Pentecostalism in the revival of Azusa Street
Mission we can find the seed of integration, the feel of community and the zeal for
reaching the world with the gospel. It is possible that many Pentecostal churches,
especially those legalistic and otherworldly, do not share the beliefs which once
founded the Pentecostal movement. However, its legacy is there after all and so, we
can understand the reason why the mercy ministries are at the heart of its actions.
The emergence of the movement, at least in the countries where we find reliable
accounts, show us that the Pentecostalism in Latin America is a particular expression
of its own culture and an answer to the cry of the many marginalized sectors of
society which the mainline Protestant traditions were not reaching out to or attending
to their physical needs. In this sense, Pentecostal churches are in a best position to
help the needy just for a matter of proximity. And this also comes with the challenge
of approaching the social matters with more structured organizations. I believe that
the more traditional churches developed in the middle class areas of the urban cities
have much to offer to their fellow churches. We, in Latin America, need a global
vision of the church without the walls of social and economic classes. We need to see
the church as a whole, and our neighbors beyond our comfort zone.
From the characteristics of its development, we see how Pentecostal churches in their
second and third generation have more resources on the one hand, but on the other
hand and more important they do have the first-hand experience of poverty. They see
the need because they were there. Their past experience may help them to understand
the need if they keep sensitive.
Most countries in Latin America have are blessed with religious freedom, so
Christians can engage in many different social activities. I believe that many times we
take this for granted and do not seize the opportunity to be more involved in reaching
out our communities not only with the Gospel but also by helping the poor.
The latent challenge for Progressive Pentecostals is whether they can creatively
incorporate ideas from other religious traditions. They need to learn how to think
institutionally without losing their passion to reach out the poor38
In the examples seen in this brief study we can see the power of transformation that
social ministries have in the life of Christians. It may be that the Pentecostal church is
growing faster because the more people get involved in helping others the more their
hearts are transformed and their witness become powerful so others are attracted to
the church through their love in action.
6. BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Cecil M. Robeck, Jr. The Asuza Street: Mission and Revival. The Birth of the Global
Pentecostal Movement. Nashville, Tennesse: Thomas Nelson, Inc., 2001.
2. Edited by Barbara Boudewijnse, Andre Droogers, and Frans Kamsteeg. More than
Opium. London: The Scarecrow Press, 1998.
3. Federación Internacional de Derechos Humanos. Genocidio en Guatemala: Rios
Montt culpable. FIDH, 2013.
4. Jenkins, Philip. The Next Christendom. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.
5. Johns, Cheryl Bridges. Pentecostal Formation: A Pedagogy among the Oppressed.
Melksman, Wiltshire: Cromwell Press, 1993.
38
(Miller and Yamamori, 67)
6. Justo Gonzales; Ondina Gonzales. Christianity in Latin America. New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2008.
7. Mariz, Cecilia Loreto. Coping with Poverty. Philadelphia: Temple University Press,
1994.
8. McGee, Stanley M. Burgess and Gary B. Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic
Movements. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House, 1988.
9. Miller, Donald, and Tetsunao Yamamori. Global Pentecostalism. London, England:
University of California Press, 2007.
10. The Pew Forum. Brazil's Changing Religious Lanscape. Washington: Pew Forum,
2013.
11. The Pew Forum. Spirit and Power: A 10-country survey on Pentecostals.
Washington: Pew Forum, 2006.
12. Wilkinson, Michael, y Steven M. Studebaker. A Liberating Spirit: Pentecostals and
Social Action in North America. Eugene, Oregon: PICKWICK Publications, 2010.
13. Wingeier-Rayo, Philip D. Where are the Poor? : a comparison of the ecclesial base
communities and pentecostalism -a case study in Cuernavaca, Mexico. Eugener, OR:
Pickwick Publications, 2011.
Pentecostal Tradition
Karina Loayza Silva
NGO’s and Development in Missions
GORDON-CONWELL THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
December, 2015
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1.
INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 2
2.
LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY ..................................................................................... 2
3.
THE BIRTH OF THE GLOBAL PENTECOSTAL MOVEMENT .................................. 4
3.1.
THE BACKGROUND OF PENTECOSTALISM ...................................................... 5
3.2.
THE BIRTH OF PENTECOSTALISM ...................................................................... 7
3.3.
PENTECOSTALS IN SOUTH AMERICA ................................................................ 9
3.3.1.
Pentecostalism in Chile ........................................................................................ 9
3.3.2.
Pentecostalism in Brazil ..................................................................................... 12
3.3.3.
General Panorama of the growth of Pentecostalism in Latin America .............. 13
4.
SOCIAL INVOLVEMENT OF PENTECOSTAL CHURCHES .................................... 16
5.
CONCLUSIONS AND REFLECTIONS ......................................................................... 19
6.
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 20
1. INTRODUCTION
“We need to be careful about not to mix the denominations”. These were the words of one of
the leaders in my local church previous an evangelistic campaign we did in conjunction with
other churches in Lima, Peru. Her concern was due mainly because a Pentecostal church was
part of the group and the other three were Baptist, ours included, so she did not want our
joined service to be disordered or messy. This ordinary situation may be helpful to show the
reader a pervasive and implicit understanding among many conservative middle-class
churches which is that Pentecostal churches do not have a solid theology in regards of
salvation, their services are very disordered because of their extravagant and ecstatic worship
style, and many practices in the church are considered legalistic. I think that this one-size-fitsall conception of Pentecostalism is hindering not only an important learning experience but
also depriving us of the opportunity to enhance our ministries because after all the
Pentecostal church has proven to be the fastest growing denomination around the globe and
also the most engaged in social action. So the purpose of this research is to learn from the
Pentecostal tradition in order to extract some valuable lessons that could be apply in the
context of our local churches whether they are Pentecostals or not. In order to do so we begin
our discussion with the birth of the Pentecostal movement, then we will follow its growth and
discuss the theories that have tried to explain its exponential explosion around the globe.
Because the Pentecostal phenomenon is considered very adaptable to its context, this research
will focus its analysis in South America. Some examples will be given to show the social
engagement of the church in this context. Finally, this research will draw some valuable
reflections on the Pentecostal effort to walk with the poor.
2. LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
According to the estimations from the Center for the Study of Global Christianity there are
about 279 million Pentecostal Christians in the world which represents more than 12% of all
Christians and about 4% of the world’s total population1. Based on this fact, we will not dare
to put together the different Pentecostal traditions and orientations in one single group but
will focus on a type of Pentecostalism defined by Miller and Yamamori in their book “Global
Pentecostalism” as Progressive Pentecostals. Therefore, it is convenient to identify and
describe, following the research of Miller and Yamamori2, the five different organizational
types of Pentecostalism along with the four different orientations across these types.
Classical Pentecostalism which traces its roots to the religious revivals of the late 18 th
century and to the prayer meeting at Bethel Bible College in 1901. These events led to the
launch in 1916 of the Assemblies of God, a denomination that now has over 370,000
churches and more than 61 million adherents around the world3.
Indigenous Pentecostals traditions which are independent in their origin, their development is
spontaneous and they are not the result of any missionary effort from the West.
Independent Neo-Pentecostal churches which are started by charismatic and market-savvy
individuals in response of a perceived lack of vitality in the current religious environment.
These churches find their niche mainly among teens and young adults for whom they offer a
religious experience more attuned with their cultural background.
Charismatic Renewal Movement which includes mainstream Protestant and Catholics
congregations within a movement that adopts a more vibrant expression of worship and
prayer and practice of speaking in tongues, prophesy and healings.
1
Pew Research Center. December 19, 2011. http://www.pewforum.org/2011/12/19/global-christianity-exec/
(accessed November 28, 2015)
2
Miller, Donald, and Tetsunao Yamamori. Global Pentecostalism. London, England: University of California
Press, 2007.
3
AG, General Secretary's office. Statistics on the Assemblies of God. 2014.
http://ag.org/top/About/Statistics/index.cfm (accessed November 28, 2015).
Proto-charismatic Christians which include congregations that may not belong to a
Pentecostal or charismatic church however their practices are similar to those of
Pentecostalism.
Within these different expressions of Pentecostalism we find also different orientations. First,
we find that some Pentecostal churches are legalistic in their effort to set apart themselves
from the world. However, there is a new generation within these churches that is looking to
leave these practices of the former generations. Second, we find the health-and-wealth
megachurches which their emphasis on the materialistic well-being of their followers. Third,
and the focus of this research, we find a more balanced orientation among Pentecostals who
Miller and Yamamori define with the term of Progressive Pentecostals. This movement
began to emerge in the 90s decade and modeled their faith in a more holistic and integral way
following the example of Jesus’ ministry and leaving behind their former otherworldly
mindset and engaging their communities through innovative social ministries. This third
orientation can be found in the Classical Pentecostal church type but more frequently in NeoPentecostal churches which are more familiar with contemporary organizational structures.
Finally, we identify a group churches which follow a pattern and customs of Pentecostalism
but in a moderate way. Miller and Nakamori define this orientation as routinized
Pentecostalism.
3. THE BIRTH OF THE GLOBAL PENTECOSTAL MOVEMENT
It is not wise trying to understand a social phenomenon without going back to its roots in
order to discern the possible reasons or motivations behind its social involvement. For
instance, Pentecostal theologian Cheryl Bridget Johns asserts that from its historical
beginnings among the poor in North America, Pentecostalism was always a movement of
conscientizacion4.
3.1. THE BACKGROUND OF PENTECOSTALISM
The turn of the 20th century in the United States found a fertile ground for revivalism in U.S.
society. First, the Second Great Awakening (1800-1850) had left open doors to the entering
of the social gospel. Second, the period of reconstruction after the Civil war led to a sense of
optimism and idealism that was embedded in people's response to the new challenges of the
new century. Third, there was a general response among American Protestants to social
problems through various programs. This response along with a strong call to evangelize the
non-Christian world made the 19th century be declared as the “Christian Century” 5. The
theological and doctrinal perspective of the church to address these issues was divided. On
the one hand, there was the holiness movement from which the Pentecostal movement
received its influence and inspiration. Since many of these holiness churches would become
Pentecostal after the Azusa Street Revival it is important for the purpose of this research to
understand their dynamics. Holiness believers of Methodist background were very committed
to perfectionism, a purity of intention and eradication of unholy desire, as an essential
Christian mark. While the other group of holiness churches without Wesleyan background
believe that power for Christian service was the principal fruit of sanctification, and
suppression of sinful desire instead of its eradication is the highest standard for Christian
life6. On the other hand, there was the response of the Social Gospel tradition which
emphasized a gradual work of sanctification in the life of the individual as well as there is a
4
Johns, Cheryl Bridget. Pentecostal Formation. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993
5
Wingeier-Rayo, Philip D. Where are the Poor? : a comparison of the ecclesial base communities and
pentecostalism -a case study in Cuernavaca, Mexico. Eugener, OR: Pickwick Publications, 2011. pp. 10.
6
McGee, Stanley M. Burgess and Gary B. Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements. Grand
Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House, 1988.
progressive revelation of God along with the pace of times which works toward social
changes in society.7 Some Scholars, like the Methodist historian Charles Yrigoyen, explain
the separation of many holiness churches from the Methodist Episcopal Church on account of
the incompatibility between the holiness movement and the Social Gospel tradition. Others,
like Johns B. explains the separation out of a perceived abandonment of Methodism to the
needs of the people and the quest for personal piety8. For Johns, “the experience of
sanctification brought about a new moral and social sensibility” 9 and this in turn would lead
the holiness adherents to address issues like slavery, extreme poverty, and illiteracy.
Finally, as Johns B. points out, Pentecostalism has deep roots in black spirituality. African
American pastor William James Seymour who is considered by many as the father of the
Pentecostal movement was the son of former slaves. The black influence on Pentecostalism is
summarized by W. Hollenweger as follows:
Orality of liturgy,
Narrativity of theology and witness,
Maximum participation at the levels of reflection, prayer and decision-making and
therefore a form of community that is reconciliatory,
Inclusion of dreams and visions into personal and public forms of worship; they
function as a kind of icon for the individual and the community.
An understanding of the body/mind relationship that is informed by experiences of
correspondence between the body and mind; the most striking application of this insight
is the ministry of healing by prayer 10.
In summary, we find that Pentecostalism absorbed an emphasis on sanctification from the
holiness revivals which positively is seen into its intentional emphasis of showing God’s
kingdom like behavior and negatively into its developing an otherworldly mentality. Also,
7
(Wingeier-Rayo, 26)
8
Johns, Cheryl Bridges. Pentecostal Formation: A Pedagogy among the Oppressed. Melksman, Wiltshire:
Cromwell Press, 1993.
9
Ibid. 65.
10
W. Hollenweger cited by Johns, Cheryl Bridges in Pentecostal Formation. p.67
from black spirituality Pentecostalism kept the emphasis upon an oral and dynamic liturgy,
participation of the whole community and the freely practice of visions and dreams.
3.2. THE BIRTH OF PENTECOSTALISM
It has being said that from its origins Pentecostalism showed a radical and countercultural
equality between blacks and whites, men and women and rich and poor. The active presence
of the Spirit put everyone at the same level because we all are in need of salvation.
Pentecostalism stood against the established order of its day by putting together whites and
blacks in worship in total defiance of the Jim Crows laws11. These two facets of
Pentecostalism regarding countercultural social patterns and its ecstatic religious practices
gave many of its followers a “siege mentality”, leading them to apart themselves to the rest of
the “world”. But after the World War II, Pentecostals were gradually accepted by the more
traditional churches so much so that they were part of the formation on the National
Association of Evangelicals in 1943, and also started to receive second generation middle
class members. These changes according to Johns B. were a sign that Pentecostals were
losing its sect-like characteristics, however there is still a “corporate memory” of its
revolutionary roots12.
The roots of the early Pentecostal movement can be traced back to Bethel Bible School in
Topeka, Kansas, 1901. His founder, former Methodist and holiness preacher, Charles Fox
Parham (1873-1929) was an ardent believer that the baptism of the Holy Spirit was available
to all believers who lived a holy life, and that the gift of tongues meant the acquisition of a
foreign language without prior knowledge of it (xenolalia). This would be the ultimate tool
for the task of world evangelization with which he was very committed to.
11
Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Movement, p.165 cited in Johns, Cheryl Bridges. Pentecostal Formation: A
Pedagogy among the Oppressed. Melksman, Wiltshire: Cromwell Press, 1993.
12
Ibid. 70.
In January 1906, William J. Seymour attended Parham’s Bible school for about six weeks,
and during this period Seymour was influenced by the teachings and ideas of Parham about
world evangelization, holiness, divine healing, premillennialism, and in particular his
teachings about the baptism of the Holy Spirit and the Bible evidence for the gift of tongues,
though Seymour was convinced that this gift was the evidence of baptism he was not fully
convinced that it consisted of a known human language meant for missionary purposes.
Neither had he agree with Parham’s doctrine of the annihilation of the wicked and the AngloIsraelite theory13.
Shortly after on 22th February 1906, Seymour travelled to Los Angeles where after initial
difficulties he began a Bible study group of few people in a small house and later, in need of
a larger space, they rented a building at 312 Azusa Street, popularly called as “Azusa Street
Mission”. The growth of the African American mission is well documented. Records from
period estimate that the congregants at Azusa Street Mission reached about fifteen hundred
people on any given Sunday during 1906 14.
One of the most important aspects of the Azusa Street Mission, according to Cecil M. Robeck
Jr. is that it continues to serve as an example for its outreach to the marginalized- the poor,
women, and people of color15. The missionary zeal is also an aspect to consider as important.
The same year it was founded, the mission sent several evangelistic missions into many
different regions in U.S territory and even sent at least thirteen missionaries to Africa. By
early 1907, they already had missionaries in Mexico, Canada, Western Europe, the Middle
13
Parham’s racist theology states that the Twelve Tribes of Israel had gone into captivity, but only two had
returned to the land of Israel. Those once lost ten tribes could now be identified with the Anglo-Saxon people.
He viewed the Anglo-Saxon Protestants as in some way specially blessed by God, as superior people, and this
inevitably placed African Americans and other people of color at a distinct disadvantage. (Robeck Jr.,Cecil, 48)
14
Cecil M. Robeck, Jr. The Asuza Street: Mission and Revival. The Birth of the Global Pentecostal Movement.
Nashville, Tennesse: Thomas Nelson, Inc., 2001.
15
Ibid., 13.
East, West Africa and several countries in Asia. By 1908, they had presence in South Africa,
Central and Eastern Europe, and Northern Russia16.
3.3. PENTECOSTALS IN SOUTH AMERICA
The history of the Pentecostal movement in Latin America is not well documented since most
of the pioneer leaders left very few records and even those who did so they were not
meticulous in compiling and analyzing the events17. In addition to this, the progress of the
movement is very different in each country, Pentecostalism has been described as a very
adaptable movement and dependent on the particular context in which it develops. Therefore,
we will focus on Chile and Brazil where the history of the movement is best documented.
Then finally we will present a general panorama of the growth of Pentecostalism in Latin
American countries.
3.3.1. Pentecostalism in Chile
According to the PewForum’s 2006 Pentecostal survey18, the Protestant population in Chile is
one of the most “pentecostalized” in Latin America. Roughly two-thirds of all Protestants are
either Pentecostal or charismatic, and approximately one quarter of all Catholics are
charismatic.
In Chile, the history of the movement began with the efforts of American Methodist
missionary William Taylor who since 1877 promoted the developing of self-supported
churches by recruiting missionaries in the United States who would come then to Chile and
there sustain themselves by working in English-speaking schools. His efforts were well paid
because the Methodist church grew tenfold during 1897-1908 and mainly among the lower
class and uneducated people. Taylor’s recruiting was successful among Methodist of
16
Ibid., 8.
17
Justo Gonzales; Ondina Gonzales. Christianity in Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press,
18
2008.
The Pew Forum. Spirit and Power: A 10-country survey on Pentecostals. Washington: Pew Forum, 2006.
revivalist tendencies of the lower classes without high education, they were more comfortable
working among the poor and the uneducated in Chile. This was a cause of critics and
humiliation on part of some mainline Protestant missionaries saying for instance that “the
Presbyterian Church was far ahead the Methodist church, among other things, in culture and
education” referring in particular to Methodist pastor William Hoover 19. He brought in the
experience of “baptism of the Holy Spirit” to his church. He was trained by William H.
Durham, who had been baptized by the Holy Spirit at Azusa Street in 1907, at the North
Avenue Mission in Chicago 20.
The Pentecostal revival began in the eve of New Year in 1909 at Hoover’s Methodist church
in Valparaiso where according to the account of Hoover himself was a “manifestation of the
Holy Spirit”. The events at Hoover’s church were not the only ones, other Methodist
churches in the city of Santiago found this new religious fervor. Some believers who claimed
to have the gift of prophecy asked the pastor for an opportunity to speak to the congregation
when he refused to do so many conflicts started within the church. Seeking to address the
recent events, the entire governing body of the Methodist church in Chile gathered in the
Annual Conference at Valparaiso. Charges of insubordination bordering on heresy were
brought against Hoover who, though he was acquitted, finally left the Methodist church two
months later with five hundred members in order to create the “Iglesia Metodista
Pentecostal”21 with Hoover as its pastor. Unfortunately, this pattern of schism within the
church became a routine even until today not only in Chile but also in most Latin American
countries. Two other churches in Santiago followed the lead and created the “Primera Iglesia
19
Ibid. 272.
20
Wingeier-Rayo, Philip D. Where are the Poor? : a comparison of the ecclesial base communities and
pentecostalism -a case study in Cuernavaca, Mexico. Eugener, OR: Pickwick Publications, 2011. p.15.
21
Translated in English as “Methodist Pentecostal Church”
Metodista Nacional” (First National Methodist Church), and the “Segunda Iglesia Metodista
Nacional” (Second National Methodist Church). Later, Hoover agreed to become the
superintendent of the created denomination. The term “National” attached to the new created
churches is an indicator that the conflict was beyond doctrinal differences and forms of
worship. It was also a conflict between the more recently arrived and foreign missionaries
who valued more education and order and also whose vision was to work among the middle
class that they represented and the new and developing national leadership along with earlier
missionaries who preferred to work among the marginalized in the urban centers of Santiago
and Valparaiso22.
In summary, the Pentecostal movement grew in the first place among Protestants who left the
mainline denominations in order to join the Methodist Pentecostal church or another similar
denomination. But later, it started attracting converts from among the Catholic population in
the urban centers. The appeal of the Pentecostal movement seems related to its impression of
being a caring community and that for a population marginalized by its poverty was a direct
help to a need that the Catholic Church was not attending at that moment. This along with the
attraction of the miraculous healings and the experiences with the Holy Spirit convinced
people to join the emergent Pentecostal church.
The evangelistic zeal that we have already seen after the events at Azusa Street are also found
in the Iglesia Metodista Pentecostal which from its very beginnings sent workers to open new
places of worship, usually in a rented home. In this way they opened new congregations, or
sometimes people who moved to another area would start gathering in their home. We can
see that theological training of the leadership was not a requirement and this is congruent
with the emphasis of the movement on emotion, freedom and spontaneity with the same
possibility to attain positions of leadership. However, as J. Gonzales notes, one of the
22
Justo and Ondina Gonzales; Christianity in Latin America. p. 276.
problems that have frequently plagued Pentecostalism elsewhere in Latin America is the
authoritarian attitude of some of its pastors and leaders.
3.3.2. Pentecostalism in Brazil
Since its time as a Portuguese colony, Brazil has been a strongly Catholic country. Even
today, Brazil has the highest Roman Catholic population in the world. However, this
panorama is been changing in recent decades. The last Brazilian census in 2010 shows that
the percentage of the Brazilian population who identifies as Catholic has been dropping on a
constant rate from 92% in 1970 to 65% in 2010. On the other hand, the percentage of the
protestant23 population has been rising rapidly from only 5% in 1970 to 22% in 2010.
In particular, the growth of Pentecostalism in Brazil has been noticeable. In 1991, the census
indicated that about 6% of the Protestant population belonged to a Pentecostal church, and by
2010 this percentage grew to 13%24.
The early history of the Pentecostal movement in Brazil is very similar to what we have
already seen in Chile. Its founder was Luigi Francescon, an Italian immigrant who while
living in Chicago was attending a church deeply influenced by the Azusa Street Revival. Not
long after he and his wife were "baptized in the Holy Spirit", they felt the Lord were calling
them to South America to work among Italian immigrants. They arrived to São Paulo in 1909
and started working in a Presbyterian church. A schism happened when his speaking of
tongues and inviting others to seek the baptism of the Holy Spirit were not well received. He
left the congregation taking the dissident group with him and with them, and others from a
different mainline protestant congregations and even Catholics, founded the Congregação
Crista no Brasil (Christian Congregation in Brazil) which according to the national census in
23
“Protestant” in Latin American context include evangelical mainline denominations as well as those who
belong to traditional and independent Pentecostal denominations.
24
The Pew Forum. Brazil's Changing Religious Lanscape. Washington: Pew Forum, 2013.
2010 is the third biggest denomination with about 2.2 million members 25. According to the
Hispanic historian Justo Gonzales, its growth was mostly urban as it is the case with most
other Pentecostal churches in Latin America.
Another important Pentecostal denomination is the Brazilian Assemblies of God which was
founded by independent missionaries from the United States. As Francescon, the founders of
the Missão da Fe Apostolica (Mission of the Apostolic Faith) were two Sweden immigrants
who joined the Pentecostal movement in the Midwest and then felt a call to go to Brazil.
Daniel Berg and Gunnar Vingren arrived in Brazil in 1911 and shortly after started their
ministry in a Baptist church in Belem do Para that only in few months went through a
division when the pastor did not agree with the teachings of the Sweden missionaries. In
1918, the Missão da Fe Apostolica decided to establish links, so changing its name, with the
Assemblies of God in the United States, a young denomination founded in 1918 that joined a
number of churches affected by the Azusa Street Revival 26. This denomination is the largest
in Brazil with about 14.4 million members by the beginning of the 21th century.
3.3.3. General Panorama of the growth of Pentecostalism in Latin America
Pentecostalism in Latin America during its early period became the church of the poor, “the
haven of the masses” as sociologist C.L. D'Epinay has qualified the movement. Furthermore,
its initial evangelistic zeal, its offering of a caring community for the marginalized along with
the creation of spaces where they have access to positions of leadership and authority since it
is the Holy Spirit which empowers the believers to be used by God, all made of it
25
Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística. s.f.
http://www.ibge.gov.br/home/estatistica/populacao/censo2010/caracteristicas_religiao_deficiencia/default_c
aracteristicas_religiao_deficiencia.shtm (último acceso: 8 de December de 2015).
26
Justo Gonzales; Ondina Gonzales. Christianity in Latin America, p.281.
Pentecostalism a very powerful movement27. This could be seen in contrast to the mainline
Protestant churches in Latin America who have attracted principally middle-class members
and, as we have seen in the early history of the movement, the first Pentecostal churches were
formed out of dissident members of the mainstream protestant traditions and then started their
outreach among lower classes in the urban areas. From this point on the expansion of the
Pentecostal movement has proved wrong Western scholars about the death of Christianity,
and the impact of its growth has changed the center of gravity in the Christian world shifting
from the West or the so-called First world to the South, to Latin America, Africa and Asia 28.
Many scholars have discussed the possible factors for the exponential growth of
Pentecostalism. But as we already have mentioned, the movement takes a different form in
each context, then we only can make some general statements about the bigger picture and
then try to evaluate if our theories make sense into a particular context. Historian Justo
Gonzales in his book “Christianity in Latin America” presents seven characteristics of
Pentecostalism that he considers are present, at least in some extent, in most Latin American
countries. We are going to take some of his insights as a starting point and then try to
interpret how some of these particular characteristics may be related with the involvement of
Pentecostals in social ministries.
First, there are three periods in the history of Pentecostalism in Latin America: (1) 19091929. The beginnings, as we have already seen in Chile and Brazil, (2) 1930-1960.
Stabilization and Organization, where the new created church finds its character, develops or
establish forms of government, sets its statement of faith. (3) 1960 – present. This is the time
for multiplication and exponential growth. Unfortunately, it is a time of the rise of “heretical
Pentecostal movements”. It is very interesting to note that not all the South American
27
(Wingeier-Rayo 2011), p.26.
28
Jenkins, Philip. The Next Christendom. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.
countries are in the same stage of development. For instance, in Peru 29 the start of Pentecostal
growth dates from the late seventies.
Second, Pentecostalism in its first generation was born among the poor in the urban areas
then moving into small and rural areas. But later in the second and third generations, not only
it began attracting the middle class but also its members began to improve economically.
The social perspective gained from a personal experience with poverty is definitely a decisive
factor for the awareness of the need of the poor.
Third, even though it is true that some Pentecostal churches have legalistic and otherworldly
orientations, they seem to develop a social sensitivity as they mature and then they become
increasingly involved in “mercy ministries” as they usually call their outreaches to help the
poor. Also, along with its numerical growth comes an interest in politics since their presence
in society in some countries is very relevant.
Along with the maturity and numerical growth of the church come many challenges that the
church faces when it became more involved in its community. For instance, most mercy
ministries have as a goal to relieve an immediate need.
Fourth, the freedom that from the birth of Pentecostalism was provided to all believers to
attain positions in leadership has resulted in the break of the traditional roles for men and
women in the church in several denominations and independent churches.
The emphasis on the empowerment of the Holy Spirit and the bestowing of gifts to all
believers gives a new set of values that give dignity and worth to all people without
differences of race, sex, or economic status. This unity of the body creates a caring
community just as it was in the early church.
29
Edited by Barbara Boudewijnse, Andre Droogers, and Frans Kamsteeg. More than Opium. London: The
Scarecrow Press, 1998.
Fifth, some sociologist and historians of religion have noted a connection between
Pentecostalism and Latin American religiosity which is a mix between the Catholicism
inherited by the colonist and the ancient native spirituality. For instance, the very rhythmic
style of worship and repetitive phrases, the appeal for physical healing, the traditional vows
characteristic of the Catholic tradition that are somewhat similar to Pentecostal testimonies.
Sixth, the strong tendency to schism within churches that gives a total picture of
Pentecostalism in Latin America of a few very large denominations as well as thousands of
independent churches and minor denominations.
Finally, and to give a critical evaluation of the movement, J. Gonzales calls to our attention
that there is often a strong note of triumphalism among Pentecostals that Latin America
would become “Christian” and that eventually and naturally will lead to a better social order.
This perspective, J. Gonzales says, led many Pentecostals leaders in Guatemala to support
General Rios Montt30 who was a first a lay Pastor at the Iglesia Pentecostal del Verbo
(Pentecostal Verbo Church) before assuming the presidency of his country (1982-83) and
then later in 2013 was facing charges of genocide and crimes against humanity31.
4. SOCIAL INVOLVEMENT OF PENTECOSTAL CHURCHES
Various scholars of Pentecostalism in Latin America have characterized the movement as a
religion which identifies with the needs of the poor 32. In addition to this, as Johns B. proposes,
Pentecostalism offers an environment conducive to conscientizacion that includes the spiritualaffective and oral dimensions of human interaction33.
30
Christianity Today. s.f. http://www.christianitytoday.com/gleanings/2013/may/guatemalas-evangelicaldictator-found-guilty-of-genocide.html (último acceso: 9 de 12 de 2015).
31
Federación Internacional de Derechos Humanos. Genocidio en Guatemala: RIos Montt culpable. FIDH, 2013.
32
Mariz, Cecilia Loreto. Coping with Poverty. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994.
33
C. B. Johns, Pentecostal Formation, pp. 26
Therefore, if these observations are true then we should certainly find them in action among
the many Pentecostal churches spread around the world, or for the purpose of this study, in
South America. This is what Miller and Yamamori did for about 4 years among fast growing,
indigenous and self-supportive Pentecostal churches located in the developing world. Their
findings would give us a clear picture of how Pentecostal social ministries look like in everyday
life. The following examples are given to portray the outreach of these ministries.
Renascer Church34 (Reborn in Christ) in Sao Paulo, Brazil. The church feeds about 2,500
people every night. This ministry is partially subsided by from offerings, but people also buy
and bring food to the church for distribution to the poor.35 Volunteers work among the
homeless in the urban area of Sao Paulo on a regular basis, they do not preach but pray with
the people and their ministry is done without calling the attention of media, or for political
interest.
Resurrection 2000 church in Santiago, Chile. On a weekly basis, except Sundays, volunteers
from the church serve a sit-down meal for 200-250 people. They shelter the people for lunch
regardless of church membership, the one stipulation is that adults need to bring a child with
them. Again, there is no preaching during lunch and funds for the ministry are raised through
radio advertisings and members also bring food to share with the poor.
Feeding the people is a very conventional way to address a specific need of the community.
But hunger and poverty are not the only challenges the church finds within a community, and
most of the time these needs are the compass they use to direct their efforts. For instance, in
Argentina and Chile many programs deal with domestic violence and family-related issues. A
Pentecostal church in Chile have a Youth Encounter program that seeks to break generational
34
Renascer church was involved in a serious investigation for mishandling of money. Its two founders, Estevam
and Sônia Hernandes, appeared in court in the US accused of trying to smuggle $56,467 in cash through Miami
airport. Source: http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/19/world/americas/19brazil.html?_r=0.
35
Miller and Yamamori, Global Pentecostalism, pp.45
bridges between teens and their parents. In addition to this, they run Marriage Encounter
weekends. In the barrios36 of Caracas, Venezuela. Miller and Yamamori found sister
Marlena, a woman who became a Pentecostal Christian after the killing of her son. She
founded a mission among teenagers and young adults which life conditions are devastating
and life-threatening. These youth finds in her a surrogate mother, and in their faith expressed
through Pentecostal practices, a way out from their daily temptations. An interesting note
about this community is that it is very effective in transforming the libidinal energies of this
youth into the act of worship. Miller and Yamamori say that “religion seemed to be bringing
order to their lives at the very time that it was allowing for ecstatic release. This may be the
unique genius of Pentecostalism.37
The Church of the Open Door in Buenos Aires, Argentina. The youth group of this church
grew from 90 people to 350 in only 5 years. Its growth seems due to the fact that the Bible
study of Saturdays finds a real connection through the community service in which these
young people are involved on a weekly basis. They have found that being disciples of Jesus
give a real purpose and a meaning to their life. Their ministries include feeding the homeless,
visiting the elderly, join church leaders in taking mental patients from the psychiatric hospital
on day trips. Along with these activities, there are the more usual programs for youth that we
are all used to see in our churches, contemporary music, physical activities and Saturday
outings.
Even though there are still many Pentecostal churches which has not move out from the old
tradition of personal holiness and otherworldly mentality, there are many others, like those in
our examples that are engaging their communities, facing the challenges that come from
everyday life within the barrios. They create their ministries to attend the need in front of
36
“Barrio” is a low-class neighborhood. It is usually very crowded and dangerous for outsiders.
37
(Miller and Yamamori, 87)
them, they need to be innovative in facing the challenges of this broken world, and their
Christian faith is put to the test in ways that do not occur with the same frequency in the socalled first world countries.
5. CONCLUSIONS AND REFLECTIONS
When we go back to the roots of Pentecostalism in the revival of Azusa Street
Mission we can find the seed of integration, the feel of community and the zeal for
reaching the world with the gospel. It is possible that many Pentecostal churches,
especially those legalistic and otherworldly, do not share the beliefs which once
founded the Pentecostal movement. However, its legacy is there after all and so, we
can understand the reason why the mercy ministries are at the heart of its actions.
The emergence of the movement, at least in the countries where we find reliable
accounts, show us that the Pentecostalism in Latin America is a particular expression
of its own culture and an answer to the cry of the many marginalized sectors of
society which the mainline Protestant traditions were not reaching out to or attending
to their physical needs. In this sense, Pentecostal churches are in a best position to
help the needy just for a matter of proximity. And this also comes with the challenge
of approaching the social matters with more structured organizations. I believe that
the more traditional churches developed in the middle class areas of the urban cities
have much to offer to their fellow churches. We, in Latin America, need a global
vision of the church without the walls of social and economic classes. We need to see
the church as a whole, and our neighbors beyond our comfort zone.
From the characteristics of its development, we see how Pentecostal churches in their
second and third generation have more resources on the one hand, but on the other
hand and more important they do have the first-hand experience of poverty. They see
the need because they were there. Their past experience may help them to understand
the need if they keep sensitive.
Most countries in Latin America have are blessed with religious freedom, so
Christians can engage in many different social activities. I believe that many times we
take this for granted and do not seize the opportunity to be more involved in reaching
out our communities not only with the Gospel but also by helping the poor.
The latent challenge for Progressive Pentecostals is whether they can creatively
incorporate ideas from other religious traditions. They need to learn how to think
institutionally without losing their passion to reach out the poor38
In the examples seen in this brief study we can see the power of transformation that
social ministries have in the life of Christians. It may be that the Pentecostal church is
growing faster because the more people get involved in helping others the more their
hearts are transformed and their witness become powerful so others are attracted to
the church through their love in action.
6. BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Cecil M. Robeck, Jr. The Asuza Street: Mission and Revival. The Birth of the Global
Pentecostal Movement. Nashville, Tennesse: Thomas Nelson, Inc., 2001.
2. Edited by Barbara Boudewijnse, Andre Droogers, and Frans Kamsteeg. More than
Opium. London: The Scarecrow Press, 1998.
3. Federación Internacional de Derechos Humanos. Genocidio en Guatemala: Rios
Montt culpable. FIDH, 2013.
4. Jenkins, Philip. The Next Christendom. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.
5. Johns, Cheryl Bridges. Pentecostal Formation: A Pedagogy among the Oppressed.
Melksman, Wiltshire: Cromwell Press, 1993.
38
(Miller and Yamamori, 67)
6. Justo Gonzales; Ondina Gonzales. Christianity in Latin America. New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2008.
7. Mariz, Cecilia Loreto. Coping with Poverty. Philadelphia: Temple University Press,
1994.
8. McGee, Stanley M. Burgess and Gary B. Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic
Movements. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House, 1988.
9. Miller, Donald, and Tetsunao Yamamori. Global Pentecostalism. London, England:
University of California Press, 2007.
10. The Pew Forum. Brazil's Changing Religious Lanscape. Washington: Pew Forum,
2013.
11. The Pew Forum. Spirit and Power: A 10-country survey on Pentecostals.
Washington: Pew Forum, 2006.
12. Wilkinson, Michael, y Steven M. Studebaker. A Liberating Spirit: Pentecostals and
Social Action in North America. Eugene, Oregon: PICKWICK Publications, 2010.
13. Wingeier-Rayo, Philip D. Where are the Poor? : a comparison of the ecclesial base
communities and pentecostalism -a case study in Cuernavaca, Mexico. Eugener, OR:
Pickwick Publications, 2011.
