Social Work Education in Europe

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BIBLIOTECA DI TESTI E STUDI

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SERVIZI E POLITICHE SOCIALI

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I lettori che desiderano informazioni sui volumi pubblicati dalla casa editrice possono rivolgersi direttamente a: Carocci editore via Sardegna 50, 00187 Roma, telefono 06 / 42 81 84 17, fax 06 / 42 74 79 31

Visitateci sul nostro sito Internet: http://www.carocci.it

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Social Work Education in Europe
Elizabeth Frost, Maria José Freitas and guest editor Annamaria Campanini

C
Carocci editore

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1a edizione, giugno 2007 © copyright per l’Italia 2007 by Carocci editore S.p.A., Roma Realizzazione editoriale: Fregi e Majuscole, Torino Finito di stampare nel giugno 2007 da Litografia Varo (Pisa)
ISBN

978-88-430-4265-4

Riproduzione vietata ai sensi di legge (art. 171 della legge 22 aprile 1941, n. 633) Senza regolare autorizzazione, è vietato riprodurre questo volume anche parzialmente e con qualsiasi mezzo, compresa la fotocopia, anche per uso interno o didattico.

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Contents

Introduction. Educating Social Workers in the Context of Europe by Annamaria Campanini

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Section One Meta-issues in European Social Work Education: Changing Policy and Changing Practice 1. Social Work Education in Europe: The Bologna Process and the Challenges for the Future of Social Work by M. Asunción Martínez-Román Introduction Differences within the educational systems of higher education, in relation to the European educational convergence process Goals of social work education and general regulations Curricula Teaching-learning methodology Conclusions

23 23 24 29 30 33 33 38

1.1. 1.2. 1.3. 1.4. 1.5. 1.6. 2. 2.1. 2.2. 2.3. 2.4. 2.5.

Evaluating Outcomes in Social Work Education by Annamaria Campanini Evaluation is a vital issue in social work education and practice Evaluation in social work Teaching social workers to evaluate The state of the art of evaluation in social work: the cases of Italy, Sweden and Spain Conclusions

38 39 40 43 52

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3.

Incorporating Gender Perspectives into Social Work Education: A Comparative Analysis by Tomasa Báñez and Gudrun Ehlert Introduction The relevance of gender issues for social work education The Bologna process and gender in social work curricula Feminist projects on gender and social work: developments in Germany and Spain Gender within the social work curricula of Germany and Spain Four possible ways to integrate gender perspectives within social work curricula Discussion. Gender in social work curricula Section Two Modes of Learning in European Social Work Education: Harnessing Innovation and Experience

56 56 57 58 60 62 65 67

3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5. 3.6. 3.7.

4.

The Role of the Virtual Classroom in Opening Up the European Curriculum by Anne Karin Larsen and Grete Oline Hole Introduction The overall concept of learning The educational programme: social work in Europe Research method and material What do students express in their reflection on learning? Main findings Reflections on student reflections on learning Why is reflecting upon learning important for social work?

73 73 73 75 76 78 79 83 86

4.1. 4.2. 4.3. 4.4. 4.5. 4.6. 4.7. 4.8. 5.

Professionalism in Social Work and the Education of Social Workers: A Cross Cultural Perspective by Carsten Otte and Klas-Göran Olsson Introduction What does professionalism in social work mean? Preconditions for professional social work Social work as a profession The influence of social work organisations on the professionalisation process

89 89 90 90 91 97

5.1. 5.2. 5.3. 5.4. 5.5.

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CONTENTS

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5.6. 5.7. 6.

A loss of plausibility in social work and processes of deprofessionalisation Conclusions

98 100

“Concept Mapping” and “Reflection” in Lithuanian Social Work Education · · by Vilma Zydziunaite, Egle Katiliu · and Brigita Staniku ¯te ¯niene Introduction Background. Concept maps as an educational technique which help to extract implicit knowledge Reflection as an educational technique which helps to extract implicit knowledge Research methodology: the research process model Conclusions

102 102 104 106 107 112

6.1. 6.2. 6.3. 6.4. 6.5. 7.

Professional Postgraduate Studies in Social Work: The Finnish Example and European Challenges by Riitta Vornanen, Maritta Törrönen, Sanna Lähteinen and Anneli Pohjola Introduction The particular characteristics and structure of Finnish social work education The professional postgraduate degree in social work A new kind of knowledge production in social work The European picture. An example Conclusions Section Three Changing European Social Work Identities

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7.1. 7.2. 7.3. 7.4. 7.5. 7.6.

117 118 121 124 126 127

8. 8.1. 8.2. 8.3. 8.4. 8.5.

European Identities and Social Work Education by Elizabeth Frost Introduction Identity as a social construction Understanding collective European identities European social work identities Shared ideologies in European social work

135 135 136 137 140 142

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8.6. 8.7.

Social work education developing European social work identity Conclusions Exploring the Future of Social Work. Motives etc. on page 149

145 146

9.

Exploring the Future of Social Work: Motives and Attitudes among Italian and Swedish Social Work Students by Vincenzo Fortunato, Peter Dellgran and Staffan Höjer Introduction Earlier research Theoretical perspectives Methods and material Social work students in Italy Social work students in Sweden Motives and their relation to certain characteristics Student preferences regarding work with different groups in Italy and Sweden Conclusions and discussion

149 149 150 152 153 154 156 158 161 163

9.1. 9.2. 9.3. 9.4. 9.5. 9.6. 9.7. 9.8. 9.9. 10.

Age, Maturity and Suitability for Social Work Education: European Perspectives by Nick Pike The identification of social work as a career for women The role of religious organisations State recognition of social work as a profession The emergence of the Universities of Applied Sciences

167 170 171 171 171 181

10.1. 10.2. 10.3. 10.4.

Authors’ Biographical Details

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Introduction Educating Social Workers in the Context of Europe
by Annamaria Campanini

This volume is the third in a series of books published about the activities of the EUSW Thematic Network (TN). Thematic Network is a European Union programme which aims to support and encourage academic links throughout Europe in relation to particular disciplines or areas of expertise, its overall objective to further the knowledge base within the particular field. The TN in social work, now in its 5th year, incorporates social work academics and professional bodies from across the whole of the EU, and contains more then one hundred members. It was established in 2001, in order to meet the needs of social work teachers, to find both commonalities and differences within educational processes, theories and methods. Difficulties in understanding one another and sharing the meanings of the same words, experience in teacher and student exchanges, as well as in the planning of curriculum development or in the organising of intensive programmes, encouraged us to create a new framework, in which debate could both develop and evolve into something altogether deeper and more confrontational. A working group on book production within the network has functioned since the network’ s inception. It has successfully produced two pan-European edited collections addressing the key aims of the network itself. The first offered a general introductory text on the history and constitution of social work across Europe (Campanini, Frost, 2004). This volume saw each contributor present a glimpse of social work within their own country. Following a list of common topic areas, each author described how social work in their own country had emerged, and how it connected to the specific cultural characteristics, economy and political contexts of their country. The role of social worker itself, as well as its relationship to other professionals in the same field was also discussed, alongside any future challenges that social work must face. Other aspects considered were connected with the educational paths, the curricula, the relationship between theory and practice, and field placement. A second book focused upon key current practice issues in work with children (Freitas et al., 2005) This third book addresses another major theme which reflects a need identified by the members of the network: the

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education of social workers in the context of Europe. This book attempts to explore some specific topics relating to the educating of social workers in a European context. The rationale is different from the first one: there were no pre-determined common questions for each author to address. Topics were chosen on the basis of both their relevance to existing European debate on educating social workers, and the knowledge bases and interests of the authors. However, all chapters had to maintain a comparative approach, done by comparing their research findings or themes with at least one other European country, or by focusing their discussion upon European-wide issues. Why choose this topic? Currently we are witnessing a particular phase within university education. Since the 1980s, the European Commission has defined a series of measures with the key objective of developing and improving the European component within the teaching world, in addition to further enabling the geographical mobility of students. The Socrates and Erasmus mobility programmes have had, and are having, without any doubt, great impact upon the creation of a European identity; they have helped develop better understanding of any underlying problems, and have encouraged a shared knowledge base to evolve. One of the needs identified, a need which moved the European Union to highlight the importance of an intercultural dimension within student learning, has been the need to prepare younger generations for life in a society increasingly characterized by cultural and linguistic diversity, so that they may identify concrete actions with which to fight racism and xenophobia. Among the various measures we can identify: – student mobility; – the enhancement of the ECTS system; – the development of Joint Programmes to encourage academic acknowledgment and contribution toward the exchange of experiences and innovation processes, therefore enhancing the quality of teaching; – teaching staff exchange; – intensive programmes. The aforementioned Thematic Network, from which this book has been produced, might also be added to this list. In itself, and by virtue of the kinds of work it undertakes (not just texts, but training and summerschools; for example, for students, practitioners and other stake-holders), it plays an important role in facilitating the sharing of ideas, experiences and knowledge; reflecting both qualitative and innovative aspects. It also works towards improving pedagogical methodologies and developing

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shared interests and mutually beneficial curricula. Through the Bologna declaration (1999), an initiative of 29 European governments, a process was established, with the objective of creating a European Space of Higher Education by 2010. The aim was to increase both the employment prospects and geographical mobility of European citizens, and enhance the concept of European higher education in the world. This required a concrete shift towards: – easily readable and comparable systems of degrees; – the creation of a structure founded upon two cycles (BA & MA), using the European credits system (ECTS); – promotion of geographical mobility for students, teachers, researchers and administrative staff, and recognition of experiences within a European context; – european co-operation in quality assurance with a view to develop comparable criteria and methodologies. The Bologna Declaration has been followed by three communiqués: Prague (2001), Berlin (2003) and Bergen (2005). Each of these steps brought further developments in the harmonisation process, and highlighted different aspects. The Prague Communiqué stressed the importance of lifelong learning as an essential strategy within the European Higher Education Area; enabling social work to face the challenges of competitiveness and new technology, whilst also improving social cohesion, equal opportunities and quality of life. The Berlin Communiqué emphasized the importance of research, alongside research training and interdisciplinarity, in maintaining and enhancing the attractiveness of higher education in Europe. Another aspect highlighted was the need to develop an agreed set of standards, procedures and guidelines relating to quality assurance, to ensure an adequate peer review system had been put into place. Concerning the topic of comparability, the communiqué invited the member states to develop a framework of comparable and compatible qualifications for their higher education systems, which would seek to describe qualifications in terms of workload, level, learning outcomes, competences and profile. It is also interesting to note the fact that the different levels of degree should have different orientations and varying profiles, in order to accommodate a diversity of individual, academic and labour market needs. First cycle degrees should give access, in the Lisbon Recognition Convention sense, to second cycle programmes. Second cycle degrees should give access to doctoral studies. The Berlin Communiqué recommends the introduction by 2005 of a universal “diploma supplement”; this must be annexed to each certificate. The intention being to facilitate recognition of titles across all European countries, in accordance with the Lisbon Convention (1998). In the

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diploma supplement, the types of institution, for example, and the level of the degree, are described in greater detail, allowing both greater confidence and comparability between countries. An important step within this harmonisation process could be identified through the “Dublin Descriptors”; the product of an informal group of specialists originating from different countries, who unite under the banner of “The Joint Quality Initiative” (http://www.jointquality.org). The expected attributes of a student are clarified in these descriptors. Knowledge and understanding, application of this knowledge and understanding, making judgements, communication skills, learning skills: this list further refines the description of the expected attributes of a student. These specific qualities are graduated and matched to the demands of the perceived successful completion of the first, second and third Bologna cycles, and highlights the progressive steps between these cycles. In many countries, discussions of the changes required to revise the educational systems in order to meet the demands of the Bologna process, let alone the action required to implement these, are still ongoing. Yet in parallel, at the end of 2000, the project Tuning Educational Structures in Europe was submitted to the European Commission, and is still working toward an overall objective of implementing discussion and reflection upon the changes Bologna has brought to educational structures and study content. The process of reforming, a direct effect of the political decision made by education ministers to converge, requires a “tuning” of curricula in terms of structures, programmes, and actual teaching. Although is very important to protect the rich diversity within European education, at the same time, it is necessary to identify competences and learning outcomes, and to design, construct and assess the qualifications provided throughout this education. Four lines of approach have been developed: – generic competences; – subject-specific competence (skills, knowledge and content); – the role of ECTS as a transfer and accumulation system; – approaches to learning, teaching, assessment and performance in relation to quality assurance and control. The final reports 1 (2003) and 2 (2005) from the tuning project contain guidelines and practical examples. Of great interest to social work could be the specific analysis made of nursing education, which contains many similarities, and has therefore considerable potential for transferability. An aspect of considerable importance is that of quality assurance. The European Network for Quality Assurance in Higher Education was established in 2000, in order to promote European co-operation in the field of quality assurance. In November 2004, the General Assembly

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transformed the Network into the European Association for Quality Assurance in Higher Education (ENQA). The idea of the association originates from the European Pilot Project for Evaluating Quality in Higher Education (1994-95), which demonstrated the value of sharing and developing experience in the area of quality assurance. Following this idea, but also looking at the document on Global Social Work Standards (2005), approved by international social work organisations (IASSW and IFSW), the European Association of Schools of Social Work promoted, together with other associations, a specific agency, ENQASP (The European Association for Quality Assurance in Social Professions). Their aims are to develop a frame of reference for study programmes within the European field of social professions, and to establish the principal of awarding a European quality label for social-work study programmes. The Bergen meeting of the education ministers (2005), see above, took note of the significant progress made in three priority areas: the degree system, quality assurance, and recognition of degrees and periods of study. The communiqué emphasized the importance of higher education in further enhancing research, and stressed the importance of this research in underpinning higher education, bringing economic and cultural development within our societies, and providing social cohesion. It is also noted that efforts to introduce structural change and improve the quality of teaching should not detract from the effort to strengthen research and innovation. As was explored in the recent book, Social Work in Europe: Educating for change (Lyons, Lawrence, 2006), the past two decades have witnessed significant changes, not only in the construction of Europe, but also within the education of the social professions in many countries. This changing process also affected social work education, though the consequences were different. On the one hand, it provides a strategic opportunity to augment professional growth and progress within social work. As Júlíusdottir (2006) argues, through a reflexive process of becoming more academic, conditions are created for a dialogue to emerge between social work and academic culture, which could lead to interdisciplinary understanding and mutual respect. Being a part of the culture of other academic disciplines facilitates fresh motives for training and active participation in the social worker’ s own knowledge production through research and other theoretical activity, bringing social work both confidence and status in society. Lastly, this may also lead to both increased compatibility and mobility in times of increasing globalization and shared labour markets. Christine Labonté (2006 #manca in biblio#) also emphasizes the possibility, which emerged through the introduction of a tiered academic structure, of retaining a generic program at bachelor’ s level, then providing a greater degree of specialization, required particularly for the new professional fields, by offering specially tailored

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master’s programmes. The “advanced” study programme is thus conceptualised as part of specific “skilling” or reskilling and lifelong learning. However, one simultaneous disadvantage of the three-plus-two structure is that it contains (Lorenz, 2006, p. 54):
the danger of reducing the professional element of training, by subjecting it to purely academic quality criteria, and what is more, academic criteria that are largely not defined from within an “indigenous” discipline.

Other problems might arise from the differing levels of importance accorded to the BA and MA in different countries, connected to the historical and cultural context of education in each country. Moreover, one set of trends would promote the awarding of the social work qualification after an overall five-year academic package, whereas the other views the MA as an area for specialisation, often connected with “advanced” (for example, managerial) tasks. On a connected but somewhat different point, Walliman (2004) emphasizes the dangers of an educational structure too exclusively responsive to, and tied up with, market needs. He links this with the dangers of out and out competition between education providers, which might lead to a process of privatisation within education, analogous with the suggestions given by the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). This could lead to a creation of university programmes for elites with higher costs and less offer of equal opportunity access for everybody. Looking at all these changes, the EUSW-TN members were motivated to reflect upon and discuss topics connected with both the problems and opportunities created by the new structures within social work education, but also to reflect upon contemporary challenges in terms of teaching methods and the new identities of students in social work. In this context, the effort to intensify cross-national analytical comparisons also presented in this volume, is oriented towards clarifying the current situation; stepping back from our daily activities in order to “regain a degree of initiative and autonomy in the interest of the development of quality criteria, which are accountable to the users of social services” (Lorenz, 2006, p. 57). The structure of the book The book is concerned with the influence of the EU on social work education, and how, within the EU, social work education – and therefore ultimately practice – is evolving. It considers the Bologna process and the series of reforms in European higher education since the Bologna Declaration in

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1999, which impact on both the status and content of the professional preparation welfare workers receive. Furthermore, it considers some of the key comparative trends throughout Europe. It also examines how identity of the social worker is undergoing considerable revision in the new Europe, and what role education has played in this process. The book is organised into three sections. The first section is oriented to a discussion of meta-issues in European social work education; the second explores different modes of learning. The final part of the book places its focus on what the exact identity is of the European social work student, giving consideration to variations in what kind of individual now becomes a social worker in Europe, and what this might mean in terms of their education. As the list of contents below demonstrates, there are distinctive key concerns within the book which are connected to the reflections mentioned above. We will look at each section to summarize the contents of the chapters. Section One. Meta-issues in European Social Work Education: Changing Policy and Changing Practice. How is social work education today? Can we claim that the Bologna process and the Tuning activity lead to a harmonized picture of social work education in Europe? Are there new challenges to face in the educational process? In chapter 1, Social Work Education in Europe: The Bologna Process and Challenges for the Future of Social Work, by Martínez-Román, we are shown an interesting fresco on how the Bologna process has influenced the social work educational structures in Europe. The author presents some commonalities and differences in the educational system for social work, emphasizing the positive and critical aspects of these changes. She explores the institutions which deliver this education, the denomination of the degree, the duration and the ECT system. She then develops a nuanced discussion of the kind of quality found within the education system, connected to both the number of students and the teaching methodologies. In chapter 2, Annamaria Campanini focuses upon the topic of evaluation and emphasizes the importance of this issue for social work education and practice. After some theoretical considerations and reflections concerning different methods of evaluation and their coherence to the peculiarities of social work, the paper will present some thoughts concerning the importance of teaching social workers how to set up evaluation processes at different levels: self-evaluation; evaluation of methodological aspects of the social worker’ s activities; evaluation of interpersonal relationships and the content within and connected to the helping process; evaluation of output and outcome, and also of services. The chapter will then continue to discuss how these evaluative methods have been developed in Italy, and finally offer a comparison

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with other European countries such as Sweden and Spain. Gender is a crucially relevant category for social work, but despite this, gender dimensions have not been, up to now, implemented systematically within social work theory, education and practice. Nonetheless, in chapter 3, Incorporating Gender Perspectives into Social Work Education: A Comparative Analysis, Tomasa Báñez and Gudrun Ehlert go on to discuss what impact the experiences of the feminist social work movement have had upon social work theory and social work education, how these have been influenced by the Amsterdam treaty, which made the concept of gender mainstreaming binding to all EU member states in 1998. The chapter will then turn to an in-depth consideration and comparison of gender dimensions in social work training in Spain and Germany. It will consider the development and the implementation of gender perspectives in social work curricula up to now, and consider future perspectives within the Bologna process for both countries. Additional information about implementation of gender perspectives into the curricula of other EU countries will be included. Finally, the chapter will discuss some ways in which gender concepts can be incorporated into the social work curriculum and into social work practice, in order to promote a professional practice that is gender reflective and interested in changing current social gender relations. Section Two: Modes of Learning in European Social Work Education: Harnessing Innovation and Experience. What kinds of methods and initiatives are currently being undertaken in order to extend panEuropean social work knowledge? How can the objective of Europeanization be achieved within the curriculum? These are just some of the questions that will be addressed by authors of different nationalities in this section. Anne Karin Larsen and Grete Oline Hole in chapter 4, The Role of the Virtual Classroom in Opening up the European Curriculum, describe a highly innovative project, creating European social work courses for a Virtual Classroom. They examine the effects of this educational programme on the learning process of the students. This experience has been treated like a case study, based upon texts from forty-four students from thirteen countries, reflecting on their own learning as it is presented in their final assignments. In the chapter is discussed the impact and the meaning of being an e-learning student in social work, or the effects of using learning methods based on dialogue. Also presented are some interesting findings, such as the impact of language barriers, differences in culture, and understanding of personal and professional development. However, learning from each other’ s experience can also be achieved

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through comparative study within specific areas of mutual concern, such as those argued in chapter 5, Professionalism in Social Work and the Education of Social Workers: A Cross-cultural Perspective. Klas-Göran Olsson and Carsten Otte discuss the ways in which and to what extent schools of social work prepare their students for their professional role as social workers. To address this issue the authors consider the comparative situation of Sweden and Germany. The chapter will focus on professionalism as individual development, and underline the importance of education in preparing students to create the right organisational conditions for professional work at a high level. In chapter 6, “Concept Mapping” and “Reflection” in Lithuanian Social · Work Education, Vilma Zydziunaite, Egle Katiliu · and Brigita Stani¯te ·, present research on innovative methods realised combining ku¯ niene different educational techniques in teaching social work. The application of that model appears to have empowered the students to be able to act not only in a Lithuanian but also in the European context. A group of Finnish teachers, Riitta Vornanen, Maritta Törrönen, Sanna Lähteinen and Anneli Pohjola, in chapter 7, Professional Postgraduate Studies in Social Work – the Finnish Example and European Challenges, concentrate on presenting the Finnish experience of a new form of education in social work: the professional licentiate degree in social work. The challenging issue of how social work education in Finland has succeeded in combining theory and practice will be analysed within the context of the changing demands of social work’ s professional working life in the European context. Changing professional notions of “reskilling” and “skills updating” are considered as part of this process. The results are discussed and conclusions are made about future plans for educational practice and collaboration possibilities within Europe. Links with the European framework and the ethos of “life-long learning” are made. Section Three: Changing European Social Work Identities. This final section of the book places its focus upon what the identity of the European social work student is. Who now decides to become a social worker in Europe? Which kind of values and motives do they have? Are there certain specific characteristics, a certain age, degree of maturity, suitability that students in social work should have? Elizabeth Frost, in chapter 8, European Identities and Social Work Education, highlights some of the contextualising dimensions of the “commonalities and differences” debate in European social work education. Firstly, the chapter briefly outlines that a social constructionist theory of identity underpins this discussion. It then problematises the idea of a “national”

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identity and “European” identity, and considers how the ambiguities, problems and contradictions encompassed in such notions also apply to ideas of a national and/or European social work identity. Considering some historical aspects of cultural tradition, Frost analyzes how these continue to impact upon contemporary differences concerning the ways in which social workers are educated. What kind of social work identities are produced is then discussed. Finally, the contradictions between recognising cultural specificity on the one hand and promoting panEuropean inter-changeability with the other are given some thought. Following this general discourse on identity, Staffan Höjer, Peter Dellgran and Vincenzo Fortunato in chapter 9, Exploring the Future of Social Work – Motives and Attitudes among Italian and Swedish Social Work Students, identify and analyse the particular identity of Swedish and Italian social work students, through looking at their education, their professional identity, their culture, values and beliefs. Firstly, using the results from a survey in Italy, it will then consider the profile of individuals who have chosen this particular subject with the aim of becoming social workers. Two dimensions are chiefly explored: life context (age, gender, educational history and family background, motivations, expectations, etc.) and professional identity, which includes the qualities perceived as important to social workers and their view of social work roles and tasks. The findings will then be compared to that of a similar study undertaken in Göteborg, Sweden, with international commonalities and diversities compared, analysed and discussed in relation to the major themes. In the final chapter, chapter 10, Age, Maturity and Suitability for Social Work: European Perspectives on the Ideal Age for Social Work Education, Nick Pike, starting with a reflection upon personal experience, discusses the impact this will have upon the profession. This chapter will explore different European attitudes to the possible dichotomy between encouraging diversity and maturity in applicants, and encouraging the most able young people to enter social work. It will discuss whether these matters are considered elsewhere in Europe, and if so, how they are reflected in policy when it comes to accessing social work education. It will also consider whether countries where the majority of applicants are relatively young manage to ensure diversity in terms of culture, race, class, sexual orientation and other such factors that have dominated debates in the UK in the past. Concluding remarks One of the original features of this volume is that the chapters have been written by individuals who actually deliver social work education:

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academics and training professionals from nine EU countries, representing the complete breadth of the Union. This includes Eastern Europe (Estonia and Lithuania) and Western Europe (Great Britain), Central Europe (Germany), Southern Europe (Spain and Italy) as well as Scandinavian and Northern European countries (Sweden, Norway, Finland). The volume offers access to as yet unknown aspects of European social work, since little has been written from, say, an Estonian or Lithuanian perspective. How the “new” European countries are adjusting to becoming “European” in this particular field, and what their particular experience is, adds to the body of knowledge and is of great interest to social work educators at present in Europe. This allows a genuinely comparative voice to emerge, and avoids the tendency within some comparative European texts, whereby Western Europe write as “experts” on Eastern and Southern Europe. Therefore, this book engages with the rapid processes of change unleashed in Europe generally, and within European social work education specifically. The editors and authors hope that it can be used in some small but significant way to assist the process of change. In this way we hope to make a contribution to the debate over building new contexts and offering new educational experience in social work, which can then be oriented towards a common shared mission, whilst respecting the specificity of each country. Bibliography
CAMPANINI A. M., FROST E.

(2004), European Social Work, Commonalities and Differences, Carocci, Roma. FREITAS M. J. et al. (2005), Children, Young People and Families: Examining Social Work Practice in Europe, Carocci, Roma. GONZÁLEZ J., WAGENAAR R. (eds.) (2003),Tuning Educational Structures in Europe. Final Report. Pilot Project. Phase 1, Socrates Education and Culture, Universidad de Deusto, Bilbao. GONZÁLEZ J., WAGENAAR R. (eds.) (2005), Tuning Educational Structures in Europe. Universities’ Contribution to Bologna Process, Final Report. Pilot project. Phase 2, Socrates Education and Culture, Universidad de Deusto, Bilbao. JÚLÍUSDÓTTIR S . (2006), The Emerging Paradigm Shift in Social Work: In the Context of the Current Reforms of Social Work Education, in “Social Work and Society”, vol. 4, Issue 2, http://www.socwork.net LORENZ W. (2006), Education for the Social Profession, in Lyons, Lawrence (2006), pp. 39-58. LYONS K., LAWRENCE S. (eds.) (2006), Social Work in Europe: Educating for Change, Venture Press, Birmingham. WALLIMAN I. (2004), Bologna e GATS. Ripercussioni in prospettiva a livello universitario, http://www.aidoss.org

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Websites
Global Social Work Standard, in http://www.ifsw.org http://www.enqa.eu http://ec.europa.eu/education/policies/educ/bologna/bologna_en.html

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Section One Meta-issues in European Social Work Education: Changing Policy and Changing Practice

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1 Social Work Education in Europe: The Bologna Process and the Challenges for the Future of Social Work
by M. Asunción Martínez-Román

1.1 Introduction The goals of the Bologna Agreements, which intended to establish a European sphere of higher education and to promote the European system of higher education world-wide, are the following: a) the adoption of a system of easily readable and comparable degrees, also implemented through the Diploma Supplement; b) a system essentially based on two main cycles, undergraduate and graduate. The undergraduate degree, awarded on completion of the first cycle, should also be of relevance to the European labour market. The second cycle should lead to the master and/or doctorate degree; c) establishment of a system of credits, such as in the ECTS system; d) promotion of geographical mobility; e) promotion of European cooperation in quality assurance; f) promotion of the necessary European dimensions in higher education, particularly regarding curricular development, inter-institutional cooperation, mobility schemes and integrated programmes of study, training and research (Bologna Declaration, 1999). The aim of this chapter is to offer a global perspective on the current situation regarding social work education in Europe. The so-called Bologna Process could contribute to the promotion of educational convergence and to greater mobility for academics, students and professionals. Given the great heterogeneity of educational agendas, it seems opportune to provide a global overview of the current situation that exists within social work education. This may provide greater understanding of the changes within a European context, as well as allow future convergence at a greater international level. This paper is based on a study carried out for the Spanish White Book of Social Work Degrees, ANECA (National Agency of Quality Assurance/Accreditation), Madrid, July 2004, and some important items have been updated for the present text. This White Book is the document within which proposals are officially presented to the Ministry of Education and Science. This relates directly to the new Spanish title of Bachelor in Social Work, jointly developed by universities and social work professional representa-

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tives (Spanish White Book of Social Work Degree, 2004). We shall compare the basic structure of the higher education programmes of social work in Germany, Austria, Belgium (FL, FR), Cyprus, Denmark, the Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Estonia, Finland, France, Greece, The Netherlands, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Spain, the Czech Republic, Sweden, Romania, and the United Kingdom (England, Wales, Northern Ireland, Scotland), where the Bologna Declaration shows a highly heterogeneous implantation. We will analyse social work studies in these European countries, attempting to explore: 1. the average duration of the studies in their entirety; 2. what kind of institutions take charge of the curricula; 3. what the studies demand and what access prerequisites exist; 4. the goals of social work education and general regulations; 5. the curricula; 6. the teaching-learning methodology. Some conclusions will be added at the end. 1.2 Differences within the educational systems of higher education, in relation to the European educational convergence process One consequence of the Bologna Process has been the adoption of a degree system based upon two main cycles, undergraduate and graduate level. The speed with which various European countries have assimilated these changes differs enormously. However, prior to the Bologna Agreements, some countries already had such a system in place; this was the case with the United Kingdom, where their traditional model possesses a structure very similar to that of the EU higher education system. As a consequence of the socio-cultural, political and economic heterogeneity of the different states that form the European Union, there are a variety of educational agendas that require a wide diversity of educational programmes of social work. The convergence process in EU higher education requires agreements on the education profiles of social work. These must be based on professional profiles, a necessary condition for promoting the geographical mobility of all professors, students and professionals. This way, European education can remain internationally competitive. The aim of the process is to achieve a comparable method of instruction within each state and among different states in order to strengthen the education of social workers. This will develop, as a positive consequence, professional recognition and free circulation of labour within the European professional space. This convergence does not intend to bring about “unification” but instead attempts to establish a comparable delivery of education, whilst simultaneously acknowledging the diversity and autonomy of the educational institutions involved.

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Taking this perspective on social work education, we encounter more troublesome aspects in addition to those more positive ones we have looked at in relation to the Bologna agreements, which remain themselves subject to debate. With regard to the more troublesome aspects: a) the European Association of Universities considers it doubtful that reform can be implemented if left to the goodwill of educational institutions, without additional funding; b) governments should establish a qualification framework at a national level (criteria/levels/results of skills/learning) that permits accommodation to the enormous diversity within Europe. Most states consider that if the bachelor degree is designed as a mere step up to the master, it will not be a sufficiently formative degree for labour insertion (Adam, 2003). As for the second level, or master, there is a trend to offer joint-curricula, as this provides advantages to each participating educational institution: it increases the prestige of the programmes through the gaining of accreditation abroad and homology for degrees that some national standardization cannot offer, thereby reinforcing institutional competences and possibly generating additional funds (Tauch, Rauhvargers, 2002). Such questions are general and therefore affect the European convergence process in social work education. Point A is crucial: the reform process requires a push from governments with specific legal regulations and additional funding available to implement changes. Even so, there are countries in which such regulations are not yet established and others where the reform process is currently rife with internal difficulties when it comes to meeting increased public spending in education. Such differences in spending have many visible consequences when it comes to educational supply. For example, there are important differences between southern and northern-central European countries. Regarding Point B, it must be said that some countries have decentralized educational systems, thus resulting in an enormous heterogeneity within social work education. In this context, and in order to facilitate a possible equivalence between degrees of different countries, it seems necessary to locate initially a degree of equilibrium between decentralization and a common basic background to all the programmes of social work within each country. A good solution to such a problem might be to establish legal regulation of qualification frameworks at national level. Starting with those equivalent national frameworks, it might then be possible to establish an equivalent framework at European level. These changes intend to improve the quality of higher education in general, providing, therefore, an excellent opportunity to improve the quality of higher education in social work. However, not all of this is necessarily new; the methodological innovation proposed has already been experimented with in the context of educating future social work-

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ers, but this is still a good occasion for reinforcing methodologies centred on students. In terms of curriculum design and development, learning outcomes are at the forefront of educational change (Bologna Working Group of Q.F, 2005). It is well understood that this competences-based focus should not suppose a “tailorization”, and therefore education must include social work principles and values. The Commission reminds us that one of the keys to this process of change is that educational responsibility becomes the shared responsibility of the competent ministries (education, labour, welfare, etc.), trade unions, employers, professionals, local agents and other civilian representatives (Commission of the European Communities, 2005, p. 549). In this case, new objectives are required that place their focus upon the thriving trend of integration between professional training and knowledge. Social work education cannot ignore continuously changing social realities or developments within professional training that attempt to promote fairer societies. For years the negotiating of this European convergence has happened through the geographical mobility of proliferating movements between the various undergraduate social work programmes. The following are noteworthy examples: the establishment in 2001 of the European Social Work network (EUSW), Commonalities and Difference, co-ordinated by Dr. Annamaria Campanini of the University of Parma, Italy; the (1999-2004) European network modules: Social Policy and Social Work, with the participation of Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Portugal and the United Kingdom. An example of this new approach now in practice is the Thematic Network EUSW-European Platform for Worldwide Social Work (20052008), coordinated by Dr. Annamaria Campanini at the University of Parma, with 95 partners coming not only from educational institutions but also from professional associations and employers. In relation to the adoption of a dual system, some countries already operated a two-cycle system prior to the Bologna agreements: the United Kingdom, Ireland, Malta, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Latvia, Poland, Turkey and Greece (Reichert, Tauch, 2003). Therefore, the beginning of this process of change for each of the educational systems was different, with not all states advancing at the same speed. Thus, the dual structure has not completely evolved, nor have the ECTS credits been broadly adopted, making it difficult still to establish comparisons (Reichert, Tauch, 2005). At the beginning of the 2004-2005 academic year, the two-cycle structure had been established in all Bologna Declaration signatory countries, with the exception of Andorra, the German-speaking Community of Belgium, Hungary, Portugal, Romania, Spain and Sweden. Spain, Roma-

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nia and Hungary have subsequently approved consenting laws. Sweden and Portugal have plans to pass the necessary legislation for initiating change. Hence the two systems will co-exist for some years to come in several of the countries (EURYDICE European Unit, 2005). Due to the current changes, many countries have been busy establishing interrelations between universities and higher education institutions (non-university institutions), with the goal of optimizing educational system resources by making previously existing structures more flexible and allowing students to realize open itineraries. All things considered, the overall situation continues to be very heterogeneous. Nonetheless, new opportunities abound for the pursuit of different pathways that lead one to the formation of a social work qualification, even if meanings of the term “social worker” differ from country to country (Campanini, Frost, 2004). 1.2.1. The Undergraduate Degree in Social Work Education in social work follows the orientations of the educational agendas within respective countries of origin. This means that while some countries have made advances in the changing process, in others a less than favourable context has produced obstacles and limits to the process. All countries have agreed upon adopting a dual structure: an undergraduate level (bachelor) which prepares one for professional integration; and a postgraduate level (master). However, some countries do not yet have the legal regulation required of undergraduate level; others already have the complete structure. Examples of countries already working with the undergraduate and graduate levels are: Denmark, the Czech Republic, England, Estonia, Finland, Lithuania, Norway and Poland. There is also the possibility of taking the doctorate in some countries, such as Scotland, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Finland, Italy and Poland. Some countries had already adopted the two cycles prior to the Bologna agreements. At undergraduate level, EU consensus reached an agreement for a credit load between 180 and 240 ECTS for the Bachelor of Social Work. Some countries have completely adopted the ECTS system, whereas others still need to apply these policies. This is the case with Spain, where the application of this system is only carried out in relation to foreign exchange students, as a requirement of the Socrates-Erasmus normative. 1.2.2. Number of ECTS and average duration of complete studies The Bologna Agreements recommend a first cycle of 180 ECTS, with an average duration of six semesters of full-time study. This proposal should

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see as a consequence a condensing of the curricula in those countries that had more than six semester programmes with an equivalence of 210 or 240 ECTS. However, most countries believe that 180 ECTS are not enough to assure the quality required of a social work education. Programmes of social work education differ in relation to the number of ECTS, from 180 to 240 ECTS. For instance: – 180 ECTS (an average of six semesters): Belgium (FL and FR), the Slovak Republic, Estonia, France, Italy, Norway, Poland, the Czech Republic, England, Wales, Northern Ireland; – 210 ECTS (seven semesters): Denmark, Finland, Sweden, Portugal; – 240 ECTS (eight semesters): Germany, Ireland, Slovenia, Cyprus, the Netherlands, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Scotland, Romania. In the case of Spain, the latest proposals are that social work undergraduate programmes will be of 180 ECTS plus another 60 ECTS of supervised practice within social institutions. Additional to this will be an undergraduate degree’ s dissertation work. This structure accords with the Spanish White Book of Social Work Degree, a collaborative effort of universities and social work professional representatives (Spanish White Book of Social Work Degree, 2005). 1.2.3. Educational institutions There are qualitative changes oriented towards achieving social work education proficiency improvements that better take into account political, economic and socio-cultural changes. Moreover, the education of the social work undergraduate is fully integrated within the higher education system, albeit through different models of higher education institution. More than half these programmes are held at university level; for instance, in the Czech Republic, Estonia, Finland, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Poland, Spain, Sweden, Scotland, the United Kingdom and elsewhere. The programmes not held at university level are held in accredited higher education institutions that fully adhere to the tertiary education system. There are also some programmes at higher professional education level, for instance, Hogeschol (the Netherlands and Belgium, FL), Fachhochschule, University of Applied Sciences (Germany and Austria), and Technological Educational Institutions (Cyprus and Greece). The traditional difference lies in the fact that these non-university institutions adopt a more professional orientation than academic. Nevertheless, both institutional modes are currently looked upon as part of the same system, with there being a clear trend toward congruently offering education programmes of bachelor’ s as well as master’ s degrees. Doctorates are reserved for university study. The conclusion being that social work education must integrate academic

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aspects (with a solid scientific base) alongside educational training, in order to assure the acquisition of suitable instrumental competencies required by the social work profession. 1.2.4. Demand for studies and access prerequisites In all the cases studied there appears to be an increasing demand for social work education. A noteworthy trend is the current high demand within recently incorporated EU countries, where social work degrees are amongst the most solicited. This need to train qualified social professionals has been created as a consequence of the great political, economic and social transformations initiated in the 1990s. There are differences in the number of annual quota places for the first course, and this raises the following considerations. – The number of places annually available relates to the professor/student ratio, correspondent to the disposition of governments to fund, and therefore determine, the quality of the educational system results. If the Bologna guidelines propose a qualitative transformation, based on student educational learning within a system that is suitable for the student (not the opposite, as has been the case), a low student/professor ratio is fundamental to all programmes, especially in the case of social work undergraduate instruction. – The annual quota of places may condition the quality of offered instruction, especially where students must realize trainee practice in fields of professional accomplishment. – The number of places annually established should bear relation to future labour insertion. In regard to access prerequisites for social work degree programmes, in all studied countries’ cases, the education system demanded that prospective students pass established tests in order to be admitted into higher education. Moreover, some countries allow higher education institutions to determine additional prerequisites to be applied in the selection process. For example, the vocational aspect of the studies is taken into account by evaluating student motivation through previous work or volunteer experience in community activities. 1.3 Goals of social work education and general regulations The common goal of the formative programmes analyzed here is the qualification of future social workers. Social work is understood in those

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programmes according to an internationally adopted professional definition (IFSW, IASSW, 2000). This is combined with the Core Purposes of Social Work (IASSW, 2004a) together with the considerations of the European Council, described in the Ministers Council Recommendation about Social Work to member countries (European Council, 2001). The latter is significant recognition of: the social utility of the long trajectory of social work as a career; the reasons that justify its necessary continuation; the social responsibility of the education systems in the promotion of a social work education that gives high competence levels which correspond to the responsibility social workers have. Some countries possess a specific legal framework to guarantee the quality of the education given to future social workers: for example, General Regulations for Social Work Training in Norway or the Order No. 536/02 on the Bachelor of Social Work Programme in Denmark. In the United Kingdom, the English hold the following regulations: Requirements for Social Work Training (Department of Health); National Occupational Standards in Social Work (Skills for Care); and Subject Benchmark Statement for the Social Work Degree (The Quality Assurance Agency for Higher Education).The General Social Care Council regulates social work education as well as the code of practice for social care workers/employers. It also accredits universities. These are specific regulations in the case of Scotland: Standards in Social Work Education, Scottish Requirements for Social Work Training (Department of Education and Young People). 1.4 Curricula The different programmes analyzed present some shared characteristics: a basic general education (fundamentally in applied sciences, psychology and law), a specific education in social work (theory-practice), alongside the preparation required to meet and advance new realities such as European educational convergence, multiculturalism or the internationalism of social work. Evidently, it will be challenging to attain the right balance between necessary educational similitude and social work professional training, whereby global and local concerns must be reconciled amidst the diversities of these respective territories. 1.4.1. A basic education in applied social sciences, psychology and law The weighting of different subjects in the programmes is variable and depends on diverse factors, for instance, whether or not obligatory guide-

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lines exist for all degree programmes within a single country. However, there are also more decentralized educational systems that concede greater autonomy for designing programme content. Another significant factor affecting the sort of subjects in a programme is the educational context of each institution; this may determine a larger presence of some subjects. Different modes of including these subjects have been identified in the programmes. Two trends are most common: one is the concentration of the formative core into the first year of study (in some cases during the second year as well), with a concentration of some credits within specific subject areas. This first mode of organization permits students to vocationally reorient themselves at the beginning of their studies. The second mode consists of jointly distributing the specific social work subjects alongside the subjects considered fundamental throughout the entirety of the programme. 1.4.2. Specific social work theory/field work training All programmes possess a very high number of credits that infuse theoretical academic education into social work. At the same time, an important weight in credits is given to fieldwork education in professional intervention, pointing out the need for a successful integration between theoretical education and practical training. Basic academic education in social work for the programmes analysed revolves around social work methodology and techniques, standard values (IFSW, IASSW, 2004b) and the identifying of social work as a profession with a varied offering of specific instruction, relating to ambits of professional intervention. This latter prospect permits students to select a certain type of itinerary, one that could be defined as specific rather than specialised, leaving a more specialised education to be developed within postgraduate courses, such as masters and others. Regarding fieldwork education, it is significant to underline three main trends. – Emphasis on the rising relative weight of fieldwork education in the development of overall curriculum. This training can be carried out from the first year (or beginning of the second), gradually increasing toward the last year of the study programme. Another option is to concentrate fieldwork within the final semester or year of the programme. For example, some German programmes structure three years of study and a fourth year of paid fieldwork in social institutions (with labour contract and university and institutional supervision). – Greater recognition of the training role conducted by professional social workers, sharing the responsibility of the fieldwork training with the teaching staff of the educational institution.

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– Close relationships between academic theoretical education and supervised professional training. The following strategies are highlighted as a means of achieving this: learning methodologies based on the realization of projects and resolution of problems; working teachers and professional social workers jointly incorporating students into social work professional training research projects; the involvement of teaching institutions in securing agreements with regional public or private entities, together with student participation. 1.4.3. The development of a degree thesis or work project, compulsory in some of the cases studied For instance, a dissertation is compulsory in Germany, Denmark, Slovenia, Estonia, France, Greece, the Netherlands, Italy, Lithuania and Norway. Finland requires a dissertation for the master’ s degree, with the aforementioned peculiarity that it is the education gained at master’ s level rather than the bachelor that certifies professional qualification. Therefore, we can conclude that nearly half of the programmes demand a dissertation in order to obtain a degree that will empower students for professional activity. The goal of this final work is to integrate theory with fieldwork, and initiate a degree of research into the professional practices of social work. 1.4.4. Educational convergence in social work and training experiences A wealth of interesting possibilities exists for the accomplishment of social work educational convergence, available in undergraduate or graduate courses (master or specialization), as well as in specific teaching modules or professional certifications. Furthermore, there are arrangements in existence such as social work summer schools. Parallel to this European convergence is the international convergence of social work education. There is a trend toward increasing programmes that offer possibilities of European as well as internationally homologous social work education. This trend is reinforced by growing interest on other continents concerning the establishment of formative profiles that heed the international standardization of social work. A compendium of these experiences justifies the continuing ratification of agreements among educational institutions at European and international levels. It is particularly advisable to continue advancing the work of current networks, as seen in the agreed design of new master’ s programmes by diverse universities according to MACEES (MA) guidelines, which from a more specialized perspective on social work encour-

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ages education in specific areas of professional intervention. Moreover, there are examples of degree curriculum modules of one semester’ s duration that are taught in English. This facilitates student mobility in the Erasmus-Socrates frame, whilst also attracting non-European students that initiate their studies in one university and go on to further their studies in another institution; subsequently establishing a network of related contacts. Along these lines, the thematic network EUSW, which we noted earlier, has been working for two years on designing an international summer school that incorporates e-learning education in social work from a comparative perspective between countries. 1.5 Teaching-learning methodology Within the convergence process, teaching methodologies were expected to promote an instruction/learning approach centred on the tutorship. This approach requires a proper student/professor ratio. Nevertheless, there are great differences at the moment between education systems. For example, lack of proper funding has caused an increase of students in southern European public university classrooms. In the case of Spain, it is common to find a student/professor ratio of over 90/1, and as a consequence it is considered a priority to reduce the number of students per group. The current trend is to build new curricula with modules and units that include knowledge, competences and skills based on the professional profile. More innovative programs include project-based learning like that in the Netherlands and Belgium (FL). 1.6 Conclusions There are a variety of educational agendas that create a wide diversity of educational programmes within social work. The majority of countries will use a dual structure: an undergraduate level that prepares one for professional integration (bachelor, 180-240 ECTS); and a postgraduate level (master, 60-120 ECTS), with the possibility of a doctorate later. Current undergraduate social work education tends to enhance the qualifications of future social workers by offering students learning opportunities for acquiring skilled knowledge and specific social work values. The core curricula include, alongside the specific scientific educational characteristics of social work, wider related subjects alongside education in professional standards. This specific educational approach applies to social work methods, as well as to training in ambits of professional

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intervention, with fieldwork education ever expanding. Programmes also include possibilities for education to be adapted to meet local, regional, national, and in some cases, international levels. In fieldwork education, rethinking the integration of both theory and practice, an important role is assigned to social workers who carry out their professional labour in such fields, establishing necessary links for continuous feedback between experimental fieldwork and social work theory. In many cases these characteristics are accompanied by an undergraduate dissertation requisite (professional field work research initiation) or a final work in which the integration of theory with fieldwork is reached, along with an initiation to research about professional practices of social work. The growing importance of the need to establish multilateral agreements meets with unanimous approval. These facilitate student and professor mobility in order to offer an internationally comparable and competitive European education. We have the opportunity to reach agreements to achieve that core curricula of undergraduate social work in Europe, to find balance between that which we consider to be the intrinsic common elements for all programmes, and those differentials in accord with the contextual peculiarities of each educational institution. One of the biggest challenges that European universities must face is to promote the mutual recognition of degrees (joint courses), whilst overcoming the current differences existing between countries as well as the ones existing within each country. Bibliography
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en/p38000208.html. (2004a), Global Standards for the Education and Training of the Social Work Profession, Adelaide, Australia, http://www.iassw-aiets.org. ID . (2004b), Ethics in Social Work. Statement of Principles, Adelaide, http://www.ifsw.org/en/p38000324.html. LAOT F. (2000), Doctorats en travail social. Quelques initiatives européennes, Éditions ENSP, Rennes. REICHERT S. Y., TAUCH C. (2003), Trends III. Progress Towards the European Higher Education Area. Bologna four years after: Steps toward Sustainable Reform of Higher Education in Europe, EUA - European Commission, Brussels. IDD. (2005), Trends IV. European Universities Implementing Bologna, EUA - European Commission, Brussels. Spanish White Book of Social Work Degree (2005), Madrid, National Agency of Quality Certification (ANECA), http://www.aneca.es/modal_eval/docs/ libroblanco_trbjsocial_def.pdf TAUCH C., RAUHVARGERS A. (2002), Survey on Master Degrees and Joint Degrees in Europe, EUA - European Commission, Brussels #??#.
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Association of Universities of Professional Education (HBO - Raad): http:// www.hbo-raad.nl/ Hogeschool van Amsterdam: http://www.hva.nl/onderwijs/bama/english/.htm http://www.nuffic.nl/ Bárczi Gusztáv College, Budapest: http://www.barczi.hu University of Debrecen: http://www.isep.org/nus/hungary National Social Work Qualifications Board: http://www.nswqb.ie University College Dublin: http://www.ucd.ie University of Dublin, Trinity College: http://www.tcd.ie University College Cork: http://www.ucc.ie Università degli Studi di Parma: http://www.unipr.it Università degli Studi di Firenze: http://www.scpol.unifi.it Università della Calabria: http://www.unical.it Università di Genova: http://www.giuri.unige.it/corsistudio/serviziosociale Università degli Studi di Trieste: http://www.univ.trieste.it Università degli Studi di Roma Tre: http://www.uniroma3.it http://www.aiknc.lv/ en/prog_view.php University of Latvia: http://www.lu.lv Vytautas Magnus University: http://www.vdu.lt/SDI/SDK/studies.htlm Vilnius University: http://www.psd.fsf.vu.lt University of Malta: http://www.um.edu.mt Bergen University College: http://www.hib.no Bodo regional University: http://www.studie.hibo.no Farstad H., Leonardo N. A. Norway. National Institute of Technology: http:// 193.217.184.251/leonardo/pdf-filer/vet.pdf Lillehammer University College: http://www.hil.no Telemark University College: http://www.hit.no Trondheim and Sor-Trondelag University College: http://www.hist.no University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn: http://www.sggw.waw.pl/plus/uni/ U_Olsz.html University of Silesia: http://www.us.edu.pl Instituto Superior Miguel Torga: http://www.ismt.pt Universidade Católica Portuguesa: http://www.ucp.pt Northern Ireland Social Care Council: http://www.niscc.info Care Council for Wales: http://www.ccwales.org.uk University of Ostrava: http://ff.osu.cz/kps/indexe.php University of Oradea: http://www.uoradea.ro Högskoleverket: http://www.hsv.se/ Institutionen för Socialt Arbete (Göteborgs Universitet): http://www.socwork.gu.se/ Institutionen för Socialt Arbete (Stockholms Universitet): http://www.socarb.su.se/ Jönköping University: http://www.hhj.hj.se/eng Örebro Universitet: http://www.oru.se/ Nordic Committee of Schools of Social Work (NCSSW): http://217.60.35.68/NSHK_startside.670.0.html

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2 Evaluating Outcomes in Social Work Education
by Annamaria Campanini

2.1 Evaluation is a vital issue in social work education and practice One could undoubtedly ask oneself if and to what extent a profession might develop evaluation of the work it does without becoming self-referencing; if and to what extent this might be separated from the influence that social policy, the context of the organization in which the social worker operates, and the intervention of other colleagues with whom one works have on professional work. Furthermore, all this is complicated in the human services sector, since the subjectivity of the social worker constitutes a significant variable in the process of helping the service user; as does the use professionals make of conceptual frameworks, methodology guidelines, and professional instruments geared towards building individual and collective projects for intervention. It therefore becomes apparent that evaluation in social work cannot limit itself to simply measuring the quality of output; it must endeavour to go further, exploring the process variables outlined above. If one is to develop quality, it is necessary to encourage learning amongst professionals, so that they are able to improve upon their professional skills. This should not only involve the activation of an evaluation process, with a perspective taken “from the outside looking into social work”, but indeed alongside this the evaluation process must reach “from the inside of social work itself”. This requires particular attention, starting with a basic training in which evaluation logic is acquired by the student. The result is two-fold: the issue can be dealt with in terms of learning content, but must also seek to develop attention toward analytical processes. The aim of this essay is to explore the meaning of evaluation in social work terms, beginning with a number of general considerations, then continuing to examine specific problems that relate to the first attempts made in Italy upon these matters. This essay will also present a comparison of events in progress in Sweden and Spain.

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2.2 Evaluation in social work From an analysis of the books available in Italy and abroad, it is possible to state that authors publishing theories and reports about experiments on the evaluation of social work hail chiefly from the English-speaking world. In literature, a number of paradigms exist for these evaluative experiences, and there are also a large number of attempts at classification (Lincoln, Guba and Kazi). We will not take this aspect of the debate, on the different models of evaluation and the different classifications undertaken, into consideration, neither will we consider the contrast between quantitative and qualitative evaluation approaches. We will, however, emphasize the importance of the theoretical orientation from which evaluation takes its cue, in relation to the coherence required of the principles and values of social services. As Shaw and Crompton (2003) argue to great effect, the choice to be made is not an indifferent one. If on the one hand the theory allows the evaluator to focus his or her attention upon a number of specific aspects and facilitates research, yet on the other hand the risk is that those results will not be coherent, leaving the theory itself to be overlooked. Furthermore, Guba and Lincoln (1994) define these paradigms of research as thought systems, or as visions of the world guiding the research, not just in relation to choice of method but in the ontological and methodological choices. We would emphasize that there are a variety of methodological approaches that might be profitably used, according to the type of evaluation one wishes to carry out. To this end, the work of Hanne Foss Hansen (2005) ##manca in biblio## is of particular interest. Faced with a great variety of evaluative proposals, she highlighted a number of criteria which could help when making this choice. What is the purpose of the evaluation: to develop learning, or to provide an account of the performance of the operators? What are the characteristics of the “subject” to be evaluated? What problem does the object of the evaluation need to resolve? The answer to these questions will provide guidance in the choosing of a suitable evaluative design. The author again recommends taking into consideration other variables in regard to the negotiation processes which may take place between the various individuals involved. Alongside this, one must take into account the appropriateness of the evaluative design, how readily transferable it is compared to other successful experiences, and must also consider the possibility of resorting to practices which have already been experimented with, or returning to practices which are familiar.

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Furthermore, Quereshi defines evaluation as «the systematic revision of the expected and unexpected effects of an intervention, service or policy with regards to the activities undertaken to attain the pre-set objectives» (Quereshi, 1998, p. 137), and identifies two types of evaluation for social work, one internal and one external. He then goes on to state that both these methods have their advantages and disadvantages. Whilst an evaluation undertaken from the outside may guarantee a clear image, less contaminated by the dynamics of the organization, an internal evaluation may have greater potential for identifying spaces in which to implement activity, owing chiefly to its in-depth knowledge of the context. Another difference concerns time taken over the evaluation, whilst the evaluation of social work might be of an occasional nature: an external evaluation will require specific personnel, and may see a period of time elapse before results are communicated to individuals involved in the evaluation. With an internal evaluation, it may be possible to implement continuative processes in which the social workers themselves develop evaluative actions; these can then be put to immediate use. External evaluation will lead to the creation of formal reports, which may then provide a basis for scientific publication, whilst the outcome of an internal evaluation is often less visible and results frequently remain within the service itself. We will not enter the debate developed by various authors, and in particular, examined by Shaw and Lishman (1999), on the relationship between evaluation and research until later. The collective conclusion is that the domains involved in this process have loosely defined borders, consisting of a vast range of methods often suited to both ambits. What we wish to emphasize is the importance of evaluation becoming an integral part of the professional commitment of each social worker, both as an element of his or her professional practice, updated for and with service users, and as research for the development of theory and knowledge. 2.3 Teaching social workers to evaluate 2.3.1. Why evaluate? The first question to ask oneself is why it is necessary to activate evaluation processes within social work, and if this is the case, it is essential we stress the importance of teaching social workers how to set up evaluation processes at different levels.There are many reasons for making evaluation a habitual dimension, similar in nature to professional practice itself. The complex nature of the contemporary situation, alongside

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a giddy rate of social change, makes it increasingly difficult to develop long-term plans. Organizations have attempted to rid themselves of oldstyle bureaucratic logic, and have instead embraced managerial-style culture based upon efficiency, at least in their declarations of intent. This has also occurred due to an increasing lack of material resources. Regarding the social and health sectors, the attempt to lay down territorial roots and move themselves closer to citizens and communities, not simply in a physical sense, but through a process of participation, has rendered both the need for legitimization and the need for reporting upon investments made in services through the intervention of professional figures even more crucial. Thus, the need to train social workers capable of implementing evaluative processes, which will be divided into a number of levels for the time being, becomes evident. Lishman (1998, p. 101) points out that «Evaluation examines our effectiveness and can help us improve it, can increase our accountability to users and clients, developing our knowledge and identifying gaps in knowledge whilst helping us develop new models of practice and service delivery». Shaw (1999) also suggests the need for a degree of integration and interdependence between different types of evaluation: those geared towards the macro dimension and those aimed at a micro dimension. He considers how useful it might be to the development of social work, if general evaluations on the planning and functioning of the services are undertaken by the services themselves. He also considers how good this kind of evaluation might be for social work as a whole, on condition that this process does not replace a degree of finer awareness regarding the operators’ need to evaluate the processes and results of their work in this field in a self-critical and reflective way. It is this final aspect that interests us most, and on which we wish to explore further considerations. Through evaluation, one gets the opportunity to consolidate and verify the reference theories involved, apply them to their operative contexts (theory for practice), and acquire information which might complete this circular process, constructing a theory of practice, which in turn makes it possible to implement knowledge. Evaluation guarantees a scientific approach toward professional action, and gears the profession towards a logic of reflection. Therefore, the profession obtains both greater control over its activities and the ability to learn from its mistakes. It also makes it possible to achieve greater visibility. The development of activities designed to evaluate one’s own work affords the opportunity to present oneself more clearly, to reveal the essence of one’s work, and in short, makes the individual more visible. This also introduces a scientific aspect into one’s daily work.

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2.3.2. Some resistance In spite of the considerations outlined above, some resistance to evaluation still remains (see Gabor, Unrau, Grinnell, 1998). For example, it is sometimes felt that evaluation cannot be applied in a useful or appropriate manner to social work practice, which is often viewed as more of an art than a science. Debate on this subject has been long running in Italy (Campanini, 1999). Further scepticism surrounds the fact that evaluation is frequently perceived as a check of an individual’s work, and therefore it becomes “something to be afraid of”, since the individual may not feel sufficiently secure and may fear judgement. Training should facilitate the acquisition of a mental habit, whereby reflecting upon one’s work, learning from one’s mistakes, becomes both second nature and a sort of modus operandi for the professional. Developing evaluative processes in the social work field brings a number of problems; however, the complexity of the field should not discourage individuals from carrying out research in this area, but perhaps instead, should encourage them to single out priority issues and choose the most appropriate methods (see Cheetham et al., 1992). In this sense, a number of interesting questions regarding the training of social workers have arisen. We have lifted these questions from Cheetam’s work, and wholly agree with them. The first crux to be dealt with concerns ascertaining the efficacy of an intervention in relation to the evaluation processes being embarked upon. This requires contemplation of the problems linked not simply to the subjective nature of definitions relating to the “value” of an activity, but also to the possibility that the process utilized in this evaluation is more or less “objective”, based upon scientific conditions and congruent research. Other problems may result from an inability to express the objectives, methods and results expected from social workers in precise language. This is not always easy, some concepts may be vague and a lack of clarity exists in much social work terminology. In particular, objectives and results appear difficult to define when these terms are used within a social work sphere. One is often preoccupied with the creating of potential rather than “final states”, one tends to work towards increasing awareness of the service user’s situation; increasing their access to the services, protecting them from a number of difficult situations, or assisting them in their struggle to make their families function in a suitable fashion. These aspects of social work are intangible, so it is quite difficult to assess whether they have been attained or not. It is thus necessary to break

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them down, identifying a series of more measurable results; it is important this is done without trivializing the results, consequently only managing to produce a reflection upon small changes in behavior, in limited or artificial situations. From a training point of view, these considerations focus attention toward a more precise application of the methodological process, and toward a more accurate definition of the objectives and indicators within the various spheres of people’s lives. The objectives, processes and effects of social work differ, and it can be difficult to include these within the terminology of standardized variables which researchers generally use. It is therefore necessary to accept that problems in evaluating the effectiveness of social work must be dealt with, whilst simultaneously bearing in mind that it will be necessary to cope with a number of imprecise elements or ambiguities. There are certain processes that may mitigate the limits outlined above. The first process concerns the need/opportunity that this evaluation affords both the manager and professionals to undertake a study, discussing and defining the objectives before any data collection activity is undertaken. These objectives should be formulated as clearly as possible, in order that they may be a suitable instrument to subject to research. The second process concerns the possibility of limiting the focus of the evaluation to just one aspect of the intervention’s efficacy, dividing up the evaluation into different phases, using an incremental approach, which makes it possible to progressively widen the field and broaden the evaluation out to wider and wider extremes. 2.4 The state of the art of evaluation in social work: the cases of Italy, Sweden and Spain In this part of the essay, we wish to depict the state of the art of evaluation within different countries. What we are presenting can in no sense be seen as an exhaustive analysis of the situation in Italy, Sweden and Spain, but instead attempts to provide a general impression of how the evaluation topic has been harnessed by these countries, and examines what kind of paradigmatic experiences are present in social work. 2.4.1. Evaluation in Italian social work Italian social workers are beginning to express interest in evaluating the work they undertake. This is a positive indicator, coming as a consequence of the maturation of the professional community; having now received formal recognition (university training, the formation of the

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professional roll, the issuing of the deontological code) (Campanini, 2004), it is freer to posit itself questions concerning the efficacy of its work, the quality of its actions and the consolidation and enhancement of its theoretical foundations, including reflection upon and evaluation of the courses of action implemented. Thanks also to the opening of specialist degree courses, recent years have witnessed an intensification of specific attention to this subject — a subject which has started to appear on course syllabuses. Basic training is therefore influenced considerably by the debates taking place within the professional community. The Italian Association of Social Work Teachers (AIDOSS) has made a contribution by publishing the first Social Work Dictionary; under the direction of Maria Dal Pra Ponticelli (2005), it focuses upon a number of the most fundamental concepts within the discipline, meeting the difficulty of defining concepts and shared meanings head on. As we have seen, the latter brings problems when it comes to the structuring of evaluative research. The same association organized two seminars for teachers, where a Swedish academic, Per Ake Karlsson, both introduced and discussed the topic further (2001-2003). Furthermore, in addition to the more systematic studies carried out on the evaluation of social services (Benedetti, 1997; De Ambrogio, 1999, 2003; Fiocco, Martinati, 2002; Leone, 2001; Palumbo, 2001; Piva, 1997; Vecchiato, 1995, 1997 #manca biblio#, 2002), considerations and micro-experiments undertaken by social workers in various contexts should also be borne in mind (Campanini, 2006), not to mention the emergence of training needs for social workers within this area. A number of social work teachers have directed their interest towards the subject (Bertotti, De Ambrogio, 2003; Campanini, 2006; Civenti, 2004, 2006; Dotti, 2004; Fargion, 2004; Merlini, Filippini, 2006). Many went on to propose the need for permanent training experiences: training which included awareness raising, help in identifying processes for evaluating social work activity, and focusing upon a number of possible instruments and methods which could be utilized in this process. Attention has been primarily focused upon evaluation of the help process that the social worker places at the disposal of the user, creating training courses that incorporate active methodologies, such as the inductive type, with the direct involvement of participants. The experiences in which the writer of this essay became directly envolved, in cooperation with Zini and under the influence of CESIP (Centro Studi e Interventi Psicosociali, http://www.cesip.net), made it possible for them to gain first-hand experience when it came to some of the problems mentioned. – The absence of a common language or a shared system of meanings; the ambivalence which exists between the desire to improve profession-

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al quality, and the difficulties one experiences attempting to maintain a degree of distance between daily work and methodological correctness. – The attribution of professional shortfalls to external factors (difficulty of the context and problems linked to organization). It has not always proven easy to surmount these hurdles. The initial phase of these experiences has often called for considerable dedication from both trainers and participants in the process. The first step in the development of these evaluative processes occurred through the use of self-evaluating reflection (Sicora, 2005), which aimed to emphasize the quality of professional intervention in the various phases of the methodological process, whilst simultaneously intending to identify possible indicators. The logic adopted aimed to encourage further learning in social workers, putting them in a position to improve their professional skills by activating evaluation processes “from the inside of social work” (Quereshi, 1998). Self-evaluation proved to be both the beginning and a fundamental stage within this process; it created an opportunity for both systematic verification and learning geared toward improving the quality of the relationship with the service user, with the organization and with community resources. If we take a chart presented as part of a previous project (Campanini, 2002), we can see that a process of systematic revision of the work undertaken by social workers has been implemented, touching upon various aspects. – Exploration of the professional role within the organization. – Reflection upon one’s knowledge and skills in relation to theory and methodology; making reference to both the use of theoretical models for practice, and the clarity of the various phases that comprise the methodological process. – The degree of professional conduct adopted throughout the various stages of the helping process: from analysis of the situation to evaluation, from the drafting of the project to the defining of a contract, from the implementation of the project itself to the verification and conclusion of it, not forgetting the possibilities regarding any follow-up activities required. This process has made it possible to define quality indicators and parameters for each of the phases against which it is possible to compare: the methods, the time required, the quality of the work undertaken and the suitability of the documentation. Furthermore, one must consider any analysis of this relationship, consider what abilities can be utilized to involve institutional resources and the like within a work network, and examine what degree of pro-activeness exists regarding the organization, innovation and ethical aspects (Campanini, 2006). A

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number of considerations and a number of specific tools which emerged from training sessions held by participants will be presented. These were accepted on an experimental basis by the organizations involved. The time dimension It would be interesting to carry out evaluative research into the apparent link between the conscious and strategic investment undertaken by the social worker, examining both the period of time required to develop the help process and the results of the process itself. The more operations are affected by urgency – through following the case, rushing or lapsing into short circuits during the changeover from one stage of the methodological process to another – the less time is spent upon reflection and documentation. Therefore, the social worker is more likely to get caught up in chronic relationships. Without touching upon the professional autonomy and discretion of social workers, who may show flexibility in a number of different situations whilst also dealing with a number of different problems and resources, one feels it could prove useful to define structures, even in terms of the time required for their implementation, that are orientated towards the implementation of good practices. We do not envisage the introduction of procedures which rigidly define standard amounts of time afforded to interviews, or to the changeover from analyzing the situation to evaluating or defining the project, but instead envisage the introduction of procedures which serve as a guide to the social worker, and which may be looked upon as both legitimate and secure, when faced with any improper requests made by organizations. The social file From the various training experiences undertaken, a need emerges to create a common social file, available to all social workers prior to their undertaking of any evaluative process. This should be clearly divided, in order to guide the professional both in their gathering of the information and where it comes to the clear definition of an assessment, project, contract and verifications; this is additional to the usual filling out of the professional diary. The social file is an essential tool, a necessary accompaniment to the operator throughout the helping process. A tool which not only facilitates the act of memorizing information, but also sets the self or shared reflection process in motion (discussion of cases, team work, supervision). This is an important way in which to guarantee the correctness of the work undertaken; it also carries the potential to devel-

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op evaluation material, as well as serving didactic purposes, and developing theories of operativity (Zini, Miodini, 1997). A number of factors indicate a move in this direction. – The construction of a computer file which makes it possible to outline the specific nature of the methodology of social work, enabling data collection not just for statistical or administrative purposes, but with an objective of evaluating the quality of professional procedures, the results of activities and the work undertaken, as well as ensuring resources are used correctly. – The fine-tuning of an assessment tool within the social file that would provide a number of indicators with a specific and defined weighting for each area of the service user’s life. By filling out the form, one can automatically view the score for each area on the radar. Thus, it is possible to evaluate the effectiveness of the social worker’s interventions through assessments carried out at different stages. This tool also attempts to render work more transparent and appraisable, even from outside the assessment. Therefore, discretional levels are reduced, which may also effect the equity with which citizens are treated (Prizzon, 2006). – The inclusion of a number of specific headings within the social file, which make it possible to gather information on the professional conduct of social workers, with a view to inducing a degree of selfimprovement. Other operative ideas Other operative ideas have arisen from these sessions, particularly (Campanini, 2006). – A questionnaire for users to fill out after initial contact, to evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of this phase, identified as a highly important starting point regarding the development of a collaborative relationship between citizen and operator. – A form for evaluating inter-institutional collaboration, which takes into account the taking charge of the service user during phases of reporting and handing over. – A form to help the social worker suitably define the project, in brief yet exhaustive terms; a phase viewed as crucial to the development of the evaluation of an outcome. Another approach to the construction of evaluative processes, closely linked to training and arousing particular interest amongst social workers, was the notion of Peer Review. As the term itself indicates, this method is based on a process of peer comparision, although the entire process benefits from both the support of an expert and external

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member of staff given the function of activator and supervisor of the evaluation process undertaken. It is essential there be a number of similar groups interested in examining a common aspect, whether simple or complex, within the framework of this evaluative process. On this basis, with the support of the guide, both the indicators and the method of gathering data are defined (interviews, analysis of documentation, observation, etc.) and each group is enabled to develop research within the work context of another group of colleagues. On completion of this initial phase, a report is drafted which will be later analyzed in full. Based on considerations which emerge, each group prepares a further report into the situation observed; in addition to including the aspects which characterized the evaluation, the report will also suggest a series of improvements. A further systematic analysis and comment session is also suggested, leaving a determined period of time in which to experiment with the suggestions made; after which time the need for any further action should become evident. As can be seen from these examples, the link that exists between training and evaluation development within social services in Italy appears to be strong and fertile. 2.4.2. Sweden Sweden has a long tradition in social services, and the attention given to evaluation in social work has been an important component both in the theoretical and the practical side of social work (Morén, Blom, 2003; National Board of Health and Welfare, 2001, IMS in http://www.socialstyrelsen.se). In Swedish social work training, evaluation as a subject is present both at Bachelor and Master level. Furthermore, many Doctorate theses make for evaluative research pieces in their own right (see the example below using Goteborg University). The experience we outline here represents an inspiring example of the potential which surrounds the use of a mixed qualitative/quantitative system, utilizing different methodologies, yet emphasizing the learning dimensions of the evaluation (Soderberg, http://www.goteborg.se/dur). This initiative was conceived in the home of the universal welfare system, springing from a need to carefully invest public money within programmes and activities that demonstrate a certain degree of efficiency. Goteborg is a city in the south of Sweden, with 483,000 inhabitants. Here, social services are represented by about 880 social workers, operating in the different services located throughout the 21 districts. There is a need to rationalize public spending and invest available funds

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with care, in proportion to both the problems and needs of citizens and the requirement of local bodies to justify their use of such a high number of professionals through the highlighting of results; thus bringing the institutional motivation which meets with the desires of these professionals to forge a constructive synergy which renders the outcome of their work visible. Thus, in 2000, the idea emerged to build a documentation system that would house all information on service user characteristics alongside the needs and problems faced by citizens using this service. This way social work might be programmed in a manner that reflects reality. However, the idea was also to design a system which would make it possible to evaluate social work whilst taking into account the point of view of service users. The project was entitled DUR, an acronym for the three Swedish words, Dokumentation, Utvardering, Resultat (Documentation, Evaluation and Result), which summarize its philosophy. Both the complexity and the high number of social workers involved made it necessary to create an articulated structure strongly interconnected with other services, so that the project could be accessed by all the operators in the area. For this reason, two project leaders were appointed to train seven work groups, with social workers and managers representing the entire city. The logic behind this initiative was based upon a recognition of the professional skills of social workers. Once shared and subjected to verification and comparison with the theory, these skills became the starting point for constructing a documentation system which qualifies itself as a professional tool for the use of social workers, and which provides a complete description of the service user’s situation. Indeed, there is a feeling that it is almost impossible to evaluate and highlight results without a common, well organized system of documentation. The structure and division of the file has been designed so that it is possible to use it within the various areas of the intervention. These are set out for computerized application, so that information can be centralized; this information can also be elaborated upon in relation to different objectives (knowledge of user characteristics, analysis of the questions presented, quantification of the interventions carried out and the correlation between all these variables and the results of the intervention). The methodology used in the DUR project is of the inductive, participated and inclusive type. The work groups established and accompanied by the project leaders become a focal point for reflection, yet their elaborations are reported upon from within the professional communities that individual representatives originate from; here they are analyzed and discussed, and their basic observations are then reported back to the work groups. This way, everybody becomes involved, and comparison and reflection are developed, making it possible to highlight the knowledge of the operators and construct a process for sharing meanings. Training thus becomes a

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springboard for the construction of an evaluation system. By describing and re-elaborating the professional experiences of social workers, areas significant to the individual are identified. The questions used by the operator in obtaining information which makes sense of the situation are clarified, but there is also a move towards linking this practical knowledge to theoretical knowledge. The file was both conceived and structured in line with a modular logic framework, which facilitated quantitative elaboration. Alongside this, however, through the use of dialogue windows, the social worker can access a list of questions or stimuli which assist in the gathering of any information needed, and a bibliography is provided for finding out more about appropriate theories. Nonetheless, the most significant innovation concerns possibilities surrounding the development of a spoken evaluation, which will directly involve the user, both during the information-gathering phase and during the defining of the frameworks required to orientate the project’s objectives. Using a form which graphically represents the various areas which make up the life of an individual, the user is asked to decide from which subject they wish to commence in-depth analysis of the situation, progressively exploring them all. This not only makes it possible to analyze critical areas and problems, but also emphasizes those areas from which positive points and potential can emerge – areas which, if not taken into consideration, will remain in the shadows. A request to then give each area a score affords the opportunity to gauge the perceptions of service users, which when compared with the perception of the social worker, opens up a channel for spoken interaction, regarding both the contents of the evaluation and the relationship involved. When this process is repeated at regular intervals (every three months is suggested as an appropriate time span), it provides an opportunity to highlight whatever changes may intervene in the project, and again to re-evaluate certain aspects. When inserted into the computerized file, these forms make it possible to extrapolate quantitative data, to compare the change within specific interventions as well as the type of service user; they therefore provide us with precious information on “what works well”. On the other hand, the relational use of the same forms may bring empowerment, helping the citizen to participate actively and with awareness in the helping process. A further level of evaluation is undertaken through interviews conducted with service users by external personnel. At present in the city of Goteborg, all social workers are experimenting with this model, which will be computerized over the course of the next few months. Soderberg, like the group leaders of this project, emphasizes that both social workers and service users are satisfied and agree as to the usefulness of the project – a project which has

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also been adopted in four districts of Stockholm and has aroused a great deal of interest in other municipalities. 2.4.3. Spain Social work in Spain is currently undergoing enormous change regarding the structure of training. Following the Bologna process, the training will be completed with a further year of additional study (see http://www.aneca.es/modal_eval/docs/libroblanco_trbjsocial_def.pdf). The subject of research and evaluation on professional practice will then be allocated suitable training space, to which a Master’s degree can then be added for further investigation. It has been very difficult to find information concerning the development of evaluation within Spanish social work, so the following information has resulted from discussion and exchanges between colleagues in the context of the Thematic Network. The subject of evaluation is viewed as being of great importance, though in general, theory is infrequently backed up by practice when it comes to the need to evaluate public policies, social services and the profession itself. Some experience has been acquired in assessing service user satisfaction, but there is dissatisfaction with what is perceived as a lack of more significant participation from these citizens when it comes to the planning and organization of the services themselves. However, this subject frequently crops up in debates at conventions and seminars, and there appears to be considerable demand for on-going training by the professionals. Regarding specific evaluation, at the present time it appears that the matter of greatest concern surrounds the acquisition of a general awareness concerning the chief characteristics of the profession. Two interesting research projects were undertaken in the provinces of Seville and Andalusia, on this very issue. The first one (Morán Carillo, Gómez Peréz, 2004), financed by the Social Workers’ General Council of Spain, aimed to provide general information concerning methodological guidance for social workers; it also sought to provide information on some of their critical and significant aspects of the training and the contextual factors related to the professional field they work in. The starting point was the outlining of a hypothesis connected to the general absence of methodological references within the field, now replaced by a process of trial and error or a rather eclectic non-scientific process. Such hypotheses are conveniently decorated with an array of contextual variables which could be considered essential to any understanding of the strengths and weaknesses that distinguish the profession. In this sense, results, such as the training undertaken on completion of the degree, the

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access to training facilitated by the employer, the kind of demand met, and even the ideological attitude adopted towards poverty, will allow a preliminary diagnosis, which, starting from a sample design, might then be projected to embrace the whole profession. The second one (Colegios Oficiales de Diplomados en Trabajo Social de Jaén y Málaga y Unión Europea - proyecto MILU - 2000) was undertaken with the aid of EU contributions from Andalusia and included all the social workers involved in these services. Similarly, in this case, the objective of the research was to outline the characteristics of these professional figures and evaluate the extent to which their training meets current challenges. An evaluation proposal concerning the ability to skillfully deal with ethical dilemmas has been put forward by Úriz Pemán (2006), who in referring to the Social Work Ethics Audit by Reamer (2000), proposes to develop this form of evaluation in Spain also. This way they can highlight the correct means by which social workers should inform service users of their rights and conduct themselves accordingly. 2.5 Conclusions The experiences illustrated here feature three “snapshots” of three very different situations, not simply in regard to welfare systems, but also in regard to what foundation exists for university training. Is it possible to imagine that the structuring of more detailed courses could act as a springboard for the activation of evaluation processes within social work? It would appear so. More in-depth training, so that from the very beginning the social worker will consider evaluation not only a simple tool but instead as a way of thinking, something embedded in the structure of practice, which should help professionals become more aquainted and less fearful or resistant to evaluation processes. To connect educationally the need for evaluation with ethical principles should enhance transparency in professional behavior, and simultaneously emphasize the importance of knowing if and how client objectives are met. To provide theoretical knowledge and practical skills in evaluation will offer a good foundation to inspire social workers toward further research and evaluation of their own professional work. A second consideration highlights the importance of using training both as a context and an opportunity for increasing awareness in social workers, providing them with a clearer orientation regarding these evaluation processes. Until such a time as evaluation becomes a fixture on the syllabuses of all degree courses, when it constitutes a common background to all social work, it is felt that on-going training should perform

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an integral role, focusing attention on this matter, stimulating reflection and self-evaluation. Of course, these initiatives cannot substitute or overlap with evaluative research on specific subjects or on the interventions or projects undertaken by social workers. Yet there can be no doubt that, to the equivalent extent that social workers intend to put it into practice with service users, this training empowers them, helping to improve their professional skills, making their work more visible, highlighting the theoretical and scientific premises which orientate professional practice, whilst contributing towards the consolidation of and the enhancement of the basic theories of social work as a discipline. Last, but not least, we must consider that by helping social workers take evaluation on board, attention is focused upon both the quality of the work undertaken and the effects that professional action can have on the lives of the individuals concerned. Bibliography
BENEDETTI L. (1997), Un percorso per la valutazione della qualità nei servizi socio-

assistenziali, in L. Benedetti et al., Valutazione e riforma dei servizi sociali, FrancoAngeli, Milano. BERTIN G. (1996), La valutazione come strategia di gestione dei servizi sociosanitari, in “Rassegna Italiana di Valutazione”, 3, #pp?#, http://www.valutazione.it. BERTOTTI T., DE AMBROGIO U. (2003), La valutazione nelle indagini sociali, in “Prospettive Sociali e Sanitarie”, 2, pp. 1-6. BINI L. (2003), Documentazione e servizio sociale: manuale di scrittura per gli operatori, Carocci, Roma. BOSETTI N. (2004), Evidence-based practice e servizio sociale: peculiarità e applicabilità. Due posizioni a confronto, in “Rassegna di Servizio Sociale”, 4, pp. 67-83. CAMPANINI A. (1999), Servizio sociale e sociologia. Storia di un dialogo, Lint, Trieste. ID. (2002), L’intervento sistemico, Carocci, Roma. ID. (2004), Italy, in Campanini, Frost (2004). ID. (a cura di) (2006), La valutazione nel servizio sociale. Proposte e strumenti per la qualità dell’intervento professionale, Carocci, Roma. CAMPANINI A., FROST E. (eds.) (2004), European Social Work. Commonalities and Differences, Carocci, Roma. CANALI C., MALUCCIO A. N., VECCHIATO T. (a cura di) (2003), La valutazione di efficacia nei servizi alle persone, Fondazione Zancan, Padova. CHEETHAM J. et al. (1992), Evaluating Social Work Effectiveness, Open University Press, Buckingham. CIVENTI G. (2004), La valutazione del lavoro sociale, in “Prospettive Sociali e Sanitarie”, 1, pp. 8-10. ID. (2006), Riflessioni sulla qualità nel lavoro sociale, in “Prospettive Sociali e Sanitarie”, 2, pp. 1-5.

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DAL PRA PONTICELLI M. DE AMBROGIO U.

(2005), Dizionario di servizio sociale, Carocci, Roma. (1999), L’analisi della qualità percepita nei servizi sociali, in “Prospettive Sociali e Sanitarie”, 21-2. ID. (2003), Valutare gli interventi e le politiche sociali, Carocci, Roma. DE AMBROGIO U., LO SCHIAVO L. (2003), Piccoli equivoci. La valutazione della qualità dal punto di vista del professionista, in “Rassegna Italiana di Valutazione”, VII, 26, #pp?#. DOTTI M. (2004), Valutazione e qualità del lavoro sociale, in “Rassegna di Servizio Sociale”, 3, pp. 35-47. FARGION S. (2004), L’importanza di capire cosa pensano gli utenti, in “Prospettive Sociali e Sanitarie”, 7, pp. 5-8. FIOCCO P. M., MARTINATI M. (2002), Qualità sociale dei servizi sociali, FrancoAngeli, Milano. GABOR P. A., UNRAU Y. A., GRINNELL R. M. JR (1998), Evaluation for Social Workers, Allyn and Bacon, Boston (2nd ed.). GUBA E. C., LINCOLN Y. S. (1994), Competing Paradigms in Qualitative Research, in N. K. Denzin, Y. S. Lincoln (eds.), Handbook of Qualitative Research, Sage, Thousand Oaks. KAZI M. A. F. (2000), Contemporary Perspective in the Evaluation of Practice, in “British Journal of Social Work”, col. #vol?# 30, pp. 755-68. LEONE L. (2001), Valutazione dei servizi sociali alla persona: stralci di un dibattito in corso, in N. Stame (a cura di), Valutazione 2001, FrancoAngeli, Milano. LISHMAN J . (1998), Personal and Professional Development, in R. Adams, L. Dominelli, N. Payne, Social Work Themes, Issues and Critical Debates, Macmillan, London, pp. 89-103. MERLINI F., FILIPPINI S. (2006), La supervisione al servizio della valutazione, in “Prospettive Sociali e Sanitarie”, 19, pp. 7-10. MERLINI F., RANCI ORTIGOSA E. (2001), La valutazione dell’assistente sociale, in “Prospettive Sociali e Sanitarie”, 17, pp. 15-20 MORÁN CARILLO J. M., GÓMEZ PERÉZ A. M. (2004), Intervención metodológica en trabajo social, Consejo General en Trabajo Social, Certezza, Zaragoza. MORÉN S., BLOM B. (2003), Explaining Human Change - On Generative Mechanism in Social Work Practice, in “Journal of Critical Realism”, 2, 1, November, pp. 37-61. PALUMBO M. (2001), Qualità ed efficacia nei servizi: convergenza o coincidenza?, in “Politiche Sociali e Servizi”, III, 1, pp. 65-87. PIVA P. (1997), La valutazione dei servizi sociali territoriali, in “Rassegna Italiana di Valutazione”, 6 , #pp?#, http://www.valutazione.it PRIZZON C. (2006), Assessment e qualità dell’azione professionale dell’assistente sociale, in A. Campanini (a cura di), La valutazione nel servizio sociale. Proposte e strumenti per la qualità dell’intervento professionale, Carocci, Roma. QUERESHI H. (1998), Internal and External Evaluation, in “The Scandinavian Journal of Social Welfare”, vol. 7, 2, pp. 137-44.

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REAMER, F. G.

(2000), The Social Work Ethics Audit: A Risk-Management Strategy, in “Social Work”, 49, 4, pp. 355-3. SHAW I. (1999), Qualitative Evaluation, Sage, Thousand Oaks. ID. (2003), Qualitative Research and Outcomes in Health, Social Work and Education, in “Qualitative Research”, 3.1, pp. 57-77. SHAW I., CROMPTON A. (2003), Theory, Like Mist on Spectacles, Obscures Vision, in “Evaluation”, vol. 9, 2, pp. 192-204. SHAW I., LISHMAN J. (1999), Evaluation and Social Work Practice, Sage, London (Ital. translation La valutazione nel lavoro sociale, Erickson, Trento 2002). SICORA A . (2005), L’assistente sociale “riflessivo”. Epistemologia del servizio sociale, Pensa Multimedia, Lecce. ÚRIZ PEMÁN M. J. (2006), La auditoría ética en Trabajo Social: un instrumento para mejorar la calidad de las instituciones sociales, in The VI State Congress of Social Work Schools, Zaragoza 17-19 May 2006, in “Acciones e Investigaciones Sociales”, May, pp. 200-26. VECCHIATO T . (a cura di) (1995), La valutazione dei servizi sociali e sanitari, Fondazione Zancan, Padova. ID. (a cura di) (2000), La valutazione della qualità nei servizi. Metodi, tecniche, esperienze, Fondazione Zancan, Padova. ID. (2002), Una strategia per la valutazione integrata dei bisogni delle persone anziane: lo schema polare, in “Studi Zancan”, 5, p. 5. ZINI M. T., MIODINI S. (1997), Il colloquio di aiuto, Carocci, Roma.

Documents
Los Trabajadores sociales in Andalusia, 1999, Colegios Oficiales de Diplomados en Trabajo Social de Jaén y Málaga y Union Europea - proyecto MILU - 2000 (Social Workers in Andalusia, 1999, Official Schools of Diploma Holders in Social Work of Jaén, Málaga and the European Union - MILU 2000 Project) Nationellt stöd för kunskapsutveckling inom socialtjänsten [National support of knowledge development within the personal social services], National Board of Health and Welfare, 2001. [Interventions and Results. On Evaluation of Social Work Practice], Rapport no. 48

Websites
DUR-System

(Documentation Evaluation Results): http://www.goteborg.se/dur http://www.socialstyrelsen.se http://www.aneca.es/modal_eval/docs/libroblanco_trbjsocial_def.pdf Spanish White Paper Social Work Degree, Madrid, National Agency of Quality Assurance/Accreditation

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3 Incorporating Gender Perspectives into Social Work Education: A Comparative Analysis
by Tomasa Báñez and Gudrun Ehlert

3.1 Introduction Gender, until now, has not been treated as a particularly relevant category in relation to social work, not regarded as something to be implemented systematically within social work theory, education and practice. However, two developments in European policy could influence the process of integrating gender perspectives and “Gender Studies” into social work education: the Amsterdam Treaty (1997) which made the concept of gender mainstreaming binding to all EU Member States, and the Bologna Declaration (1999) #aggiungere in biblio come in cap 1?# and following Communiqués, which binds member states to both adapt their systems of higher education and create a European space for higher education. The beginning of this paper will see the authors demonstrate why it is important and, in terms of gender mainstreaming, why it is compulsory to incorporate gender perspectives into social work education. After an initial exploration of the Bologna process, the chapter will compare the existing situation in Spain and Germany: it will consider both the development and implementation of gender perspectives in social work curricula until now, and what future potential might reside within the Bologna process for both countries. This comparison will be enhanced yet further by additional consideration of the implementation of gender perspectives in the curricula of the EUSW partners. For gathering information about the situation in Spain, Germany, and among the EUSW partners, we used different versions of a questionnaire designed and conducted by Ehlert and Hasenjürgen (2005). This chapter goes on to propose how gender perspectives might be incorporated within social work curricula, in order to promote professional practice which is gender-reflective and interested in changing current social gender relations. Finally, we will discuss some of the difficulties that have come to light through examination of the questionnaire responses, and consider some proposals that could solve those difficulties.

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3.2 The relevance of gender issues for social work education From our point of view, there are several reasons why gender perspectives should be integrated within social work education. Gender plays a major role in both defining and constructing our social world. The understanding of social problems, the strategies we use to cope with complex and problematic situations, as well as the carrying out of social work practice itself, are all heavily influenced by gender perceptions and by gender differences (Gruber, Fröschl, 2001). So what could be the use of “gender”, and what is it exactly we mean when we talk of gender and social work? Ongoing discussions in feminist theory and gender research are based on the sex/gender-differentiation, whereby sex is associated with the biological differences between the female and the male, whilst the term “gender” is interwoven with social meanings of masculinity and femininity within each society. Gender as a theoretical category offers different perspectives for analysis: the constructed meanings of masculinity and femininity within the interactions of individuals, and the relevance of gender in relation to institutions and society (Becker-Schmidt, Knapp, 1995, p. 17). With regard to the latter, a structural approach would view the category “gender”, as being a key indicator of inequality and stratification in all societies. From this perspective, hierarchies and differences are determined by gender, which then intermingle with other constructions of difference such as class and race (Spelman, 1988). Since the 1990s, there have been intensive debates surrounding the term “gender” and its relevance as a useful category or concept to be utilized by social science, when instead one could simply highlight all difference and diversity as meaningful. Knapp (2002) gives a good summary of the varying discourses which theorise both gender and the “axes of difference”. Similarly, Orme has worked out the significance of the changing feminist and gender discourses within social work and social care (2001, pp. 32-3):
Attention to the diversity of women’s experiences as users of social work and social care services, and how these may be shared with men who are service users, leads to a consideration of how identities are structured by experiences of oppression. Such considerations have resonance with postmodernism, but the limitations of a highly theoretical and, at times inaccessible analysis are noted. It is suggested that a more helpful approach is to recognise how different experiences of women and men as users of social work and community care services helps to clarify understandings of the constructions of masculinity and femininity.

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Social work education must integrate the different experiences of women and men, girls and boys as users of social work, and bring an understanding of the processes related to the construction of gender into the curricula. There are many fields of social work where gender is regarded as being of great relevance to both the understanding of social problems and the suitability of professional support provided. Human trafficking for sexual exploitation (Gruber, Fröschl, 2001), domestic violence (Brückner, 2001; Humphreys et al., 2005), child maltreatment (Daniel et al., 2005), poverty and unemployment (Göttert, Walser, 2002), migration (Hasenjürgen, 2006), juvenile delinquency (Bereswill, 2006), radicalisation and violence of (primarily) male young people (Zander, 2006), substance abuse (Jacob, Stöver #in biblio è Stover senza umlaut#, 2006), mental health (Orme, 2001), single and teenage mothers (Bundeszentrale für gesundheitliche Aufklärung, 2005): these are just some of the areas which would benefit from a more gendered perspective. In order to fully integrate gendered perspectives within social work and ensure notions of equality between women and men are fully assimilated into all policy and activity, the concept of “gender mainstreaming” has been employed. In 1997, the Amsterdam Treaty confirmed the importance of promoting gender equality, partly through formalizing the commitment to gender mainstreaming (European Commission, 2006b, #p.?#).
Gender mainstreaming is the integration of gender perspectives into every stage of policy processes – design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation – with a view to promoting equality between women and men. It means assessing how policies impact on the life and position of both women and men – and taking responsibility to re-address them if necessary.

From a social work perspective, gender mainstreaming will require that gender concerns be fully integrated into research, education and practice, with the primary objective being to reduce inequity. Social workers should be able to identify where gender difference exists, and provide balance where needed. Mainstreaming a gender perspective into social work is a complex process, which could begin by incorporating gender analyses into research, education and practice. Gender discrimination and biases should be investigated and made transparent, gender awareness and competence should be essentials of the profession. 3.3 The Bologna process and gender in social work curricula In relation to social work education, the Bologna process could be an opportunity to reform curriculum design and developments throughout

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the different European countries. Underpinning the entire Bologna process has been the Bologna Declaration of 19th June, 1999, which incorporates six actions relating to (European Commission, 2006a): – a system of academic grades which are easy to read and compare; – a system essentially established on two cycles: a first cycle geared to meet the needs of the employment market and lasting at least three years, with a second cycle (Master) conditional upon the completion of the first cycle; – a system of accumulation and transfer of credits; – mobility of students, teachers and researchers; – cooperation in regard to quality assurance; – the European dimension of higher education. All follow-up conferences and Communiqués of the now 40 member states are pursuing the objective of the European space for higher education being completed by 2010. Consequences of this process diversify greatly throughout the member states. Those already working within a two-cycle system are confronted by fewer changes than many of their counterparts, who may now be obliged to say goodbye to diploma courses and other degrees that have long been part of national tradition. Following the Berlin Communiqué (2003), all member states have «to elaborate a framework of comparable and compatible qualifications for their higher education systems, which should seek to describe qualifications in terms of workload, level, learning outcomes, competences and profile» (European Commission, 2006a). Ministers also encouraged member states to elaborate an overarching framework of qualifications for the European higher education area. If we combine the notion of comparable descriptions of qualifications and competences, with the demand for gender mainstreaming which came as a consequence of the binding of the Amsterdam Treaty, we ask if gender perspectives will be integrated into European and national frameworks. Do the political guidelines influence considerations when it comes to utilizing gender perspectives within higher education? Will gender be a category in the accreditation and quality assurance procedures? In relation to social work education, the Bologna process could be an opportunity to reform the curriculum design and developments within different European countries. Agreements concerning the essentials of social work education, the learning outcomes, the shift from teaching to learning, the move to a student-centred approach and new thinking about competences should now be negotiated at national and institutional levels (Ehlert, Hasenjürgen, 2005). At both levels, the relevance of gender within social work education could be looked at and worked upon. Considering whether this opportunity has been put to good use will be investigated in this chapter. Following the questionnaire of Ehlert and Hasenjürgen (2005)

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we ask: Are gender aspects integrated into learning outcomes? Are there special modules which highlight gender aspects? Is gender competence a generic or a subject-specific competence in social work education? We shall examine whether the Bologna process is perceived as a chance to integrate gender into social work education. Thus we describe both the current situation and the future perspectives within Spain, Germany and some other universities that are partners of the Erasmus Thematic Network European Platform for Worldwide Social Work. 3.4 Feminist projects on gender and social work: developments in Germany and Spain It was the good work undertaken by the German women’s movement of the 1970s and 1980s, that challenged the discrimination and oppression of women and made male dominance in history, science and society a subject for discussion. Women’s projects in the field of social work practice have now been established, with women supporting women on the basis of common experiences and common discrimination, with the goal of supporting women and girls to find self-determination and autonomy. Many of these projects developed as a matter of course within social work. Feminist approaches became focused upon three principal areas: social work as a female activity; violence against women and girls; social work with young girls and women in youth work, and welfare services for the young (Friebertshäuser, Jakob, Klees-Möller, 1997). The founding of women’s projects went hand in hand with the implementation of seminars about women and social work at both fachhochschulen and universities. In the beginning of the 1980s, the first study project, Social work with girls and women had been established. Students were participating in feminist social work practice projects. Several fachhochschulen set up professorships where the focus was upon women and social work (Simmel-Joachim, Schäfer, 2005). In summary, women-specific seminars have been offered as a part of West German social work courses since the end of the 1970s, and are now more or less implemented within the curricula. In the 1990s the shift from “women” to “gender” studies took place (gender being a category which relates to both women and men). Men and boys are also focused upon, with the particular difficulties and chances they face as a specific gender group being looked at. In recent years, the situation of boys within the educational system, and the topic of boys and deviance have indeed become an important and specific focus.

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In Spain’s case, the feminist movement was very active in the 1970s; however, some activists felt a contradiction between their feminist ideology and their left wing political ideas. For many, the struggle against Franco’s military dictatorship was of more immediate importance than improving the situation for women. It was not until the 1980s that some feminist female lecturers promoted the creation of several Women’s Studies departments. These took a multi-disciplinary perspective. The teaching of feminist theory within a master’s degree was also initiated, with research being undertaken into the unbalanced situation of women in Spain. This change took place within different disciplines, such as: History (Borderias, 1994; Rivera, 1994), Sociology (Durán, 1988, 1995; Alemany, 1994; Alberdi, 2000; Escario, 2000; San Román, 1998; Subirats, 1988, 1994); Philosophy (Amorós, 1995; Valcárcel, 1993; Birulés, 1995); Language and Literature (Segarra, 1998); Anthropology (Del Valle, 1990, 1993; Juliano, 1992; Comas, 1993, 1995, 1996; Esteban, 2000); and Economics (Carrasco, 1994) #mancano in biblio#, etc. This was done with the political and financial support of the first democratic governments (run by the Socialist Party and the United Left Coalition), through special institutions, namely the Instituto de la Mujer. These lecturers were more interested in finding the important women (according to male dominant criteria) in their fields than in changing the theoretical and methodological approaches of their disciplines, in order to make the female presence and contributions in all disciplines more visible. At that time, social work education was not undertaken as part of a university degree, so the curriculum did not incorporate any feminist perspective. However, some lecturers from other faculties started bringing the teaching of feminist theory into the schools of social work. Looking at it from the social work practitioner side, there were social projects initiated that encouraged housewives to go out from their homes and to take part in different social and leisure activities, like painting, yoga, gymnastics, etc. During the 1990s, experts amended their former use of theoretical gender perspectives. Instead they started to criticise the theoretical and methodological approaches their disciplines took, when instead they could be researching the situation of women in society. These changes meant a wider perspective was now available to all feminist lecturers who were able to make use of it. The introduction of these gender theories into the university women’s studies departments gave more academic legitimacy to these lecturers. Yet, according to some critics (Rivera, 1994, p. 172), the political power accrued through feminist theory and movements was somehow lost during the struggle for greater academic legitimacy. By this time, social work education was fully integrated within the university system, and some

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social work schools started the teaching of both gender perspectives and social work with women in social exclusion (poverty, violence, prostitution, prisons, etc). Concurrently, social work practitioners also started work with women situated in social exclusion. The last few years have seen this kind of direct action work combined with a more preventative approach: dealing with children in primary and secondary schools, trying to destabilize both the traditional ways of defining male and female identity and the traditional sexual division of work within our society. Nowadays, one of the most pertinent political and professional priorities is to treat, in an integral way, violence against women, which has recently grown in Spain (Consejo General del Poder Judicial, 2006). By comparing Germany and Spain when it comes to both the historical development of feminist projects and gender perspectives in social work, there is some realisation of how in both countries, the feminist movement began to reveal both the discrimination and oppression felt by women, alongside the male dominance which infiltrated history, science and society. By the 1970s this had culminated in a great struggle for those who felt compelled to rally against the unfairness of the situation. In both countries, female academics from the universities focused upon women’s studies. As both an intellectual and political strategy, they denounced the discrimination and oppression of women. Then, in the 1990s, both countries witnessed change, with women’s studies becoming gender studies. Beside the similarities between the situations of Germany and Spain, there were noted differences: specific women’s seminars were already being offered by West German social work courses by the late 1970s; this was far earlier than their Spanish counterparts, due to historical factors that relate to the different political and social climates of each. 3.5 Gender within the social work curricula of Germany and Spain Ehlert and Hasenjürgen (2005) produced a survey about gender within the curriculum of German departments of social work and social pedagogy at both fachhochschulen and universities. They developed a questionnaire relating to the Bologna process, which gathered information about both the current and the future situation regarding the integration of gender within social work curricula. For this chapter, we adapted the questionnaire in order to produce a survey for Spain and other EUSW partners. In 2004, the original questionnaire was sent online to eighty-four universities in Germany. Fifty-nine of those universities responded, representing 70.2% of these establishments. As a direct response to the answers gath-

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ered from these experts, gender topics have been established in nearly two-thirds of the social work/social pedagogy diploma courses. The responses also illustrated the heterogeneous landscape of courses within the diploma curricula, where gender-oriented seminars are often part of an optional offer in the first or second year of the course. Although the seminar names/descriptions may differ between “women’s work”, “social work with women and girls” and “gender balanced social work”, their roots within the women’s movement are clearly visible. However, these results can in no sense mean that integration of gender topics should be taken for granted, or that gender is part of the mainstream social work agenda in Germany. Only one-quarter of people interviewed affirmed they had witnessed an implementation of “gender” in the diploma-curriculum, or a positive acceptance of such by their colleagues. Another quarter of respondents were aware of no interest in gender issues; colleagues were either ignorant of the topic or held reservations. The majority described a certain ambivalence about the situation. There was a general impression that a polarisation existed between a few colleagues who were “specialised” in gender topics and “the others”: gender was seen as a “specialised topic”, either accepted or regarded as a “necessary evil”; gender issues were mostly delegated to women. Ehlert and Hasenjürgen (2005) investigated the changes taking place in Germany, from the diploma to the bachelor’s and master’s courses, and the (planned) implementation of gender topics within the new curricula. The responses indicated the marginalized position held by gender perspectives in social work education; as a competitor with other topics and in the debates surrounding the new structuring of modules in many departments, gender topics held little relevance for the majority of colleagues. Gender perspectives are not necessarily seen as a part of the expert knowledge and social competences required by social workers; gender doesn’t have a systematic place in the curriculum and «if necessary, we can cut gender out». Ehlert and Hasenjürgen (2005) suggested four different options for curricular change in Germany: gender as a cross-sectional topic within all modules, gender competence as a generic competence, a specific gender module, or a diversity module. On the planning of these modules, only 16% answered there would be a “gender module” in the new bachelor’s courses, 21% responded that a “diversity module” was planned, whilst the majority of respondents (30%) had ticked ‘gender as a cross-sectional topic in all modules’; this was also the most favoured option of Spanish colleagues and partners of the EUSW network. As to the current situation in Spain, in 2005 we gathered information by sending the questionnaire online to 34 universities. In total, ten experts responded (29%), seven female and three male

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lecturers. Subsequent to these answers from the experts, gender topics have not been established in the social work diploma courses in any formal way. So, there are four schools (40%) which offer women’s studies or gender courses as optional subjects. Their approach is focused upon gender perspectives, in general or applied to the carrying out of the profession, and in only one case is the subject focused upon social work with women. There are eight lecturers (80%) who incorporate gender perspectives into their lectures as a cross-sectional topic within different subject areas, such as social policy, social anthropology, social psychology, social services, etc. Regarding postgraduate courses, there are two master’s programmes focused upon women’s studies and gender equality which have financial support from the Regional Women’s Institute of Andalucía and Valencia. There is also a PhD programme in gender identity and citizenship, run collectively by several universities in Andalucia. These Spanish lecturers teaching gender perspectives are members of the University Women’s Studies Departments that exist in most Spanish universities. Therefore, the opportunity arises to exchange ideas with teachers from other disciplines, to organize different courses, to research both the situation of women and gender relations in our society, and to publish and disseminate their results. According to lecturers’ opinions, formally speaking, the academic staff and the students of the social work schools in Spain recognise the importance of gender issues. Yet, practically speaking, these issues are seen as an exclusively female topic, more relevant to the personal politics and degree of social compromise required of female lecturers than to the academic and scientific knowledge which should be taught at the university. Seven schools (70%) have started the work that was necessary in order to change their social work curriculum in accordance with the requirements of the Bologna declaration, especially with the introduction of the ECTS system in the first year of the social work diploma. However, “gender” is on the agenda in only one of these schools. But from the short answers given from the lecturers, we cannot guess how they might incorporate this issue into their future social work curriculum. After much consideration of the current situation concerning gender perspectives within the curricula of social work in Germany and Spain, it seems probable that gender topics have not been established in the diploma courses of social work in any formal way. Gender courses tend to be offered as optional and not compulsory subjects. In the case of Spain, the approach appears to be focused on gender perspectives in general or applied to the carrying out of the profession. In the case of Germany, there exist both courses on gender perspectives and others on social work with women. Alongside this, in Germany, the Bologna

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process is seen as an opportunity for reform of the social work curriculum and as a means of incorporating gender perspectives. In 2005, a questionnaire containing seventeen questions relating to “gender and social work” as an educational topic was sent online to roughly seventy universities which were partners in the Erasmus Thematic Network European Platform for Worldwide Social Work. In total there were eighteen responses collected from Italy, Germany, Spain, Lithuania, Sweden, Norway, the Netherlands, Poland, Austria, Belgium, Ireland and the Czech Republic. However, the answers show great inconsistency on the subject of gender issues in social work. Only five experts responded that gender issues are currently not part of their curriculum. Nearly all answered that they personally integrate gender-specific topics into their teaching activities; yet here the answers varied enormously from “not so much” to “my lectures are all about gender subjects” or “gender is always a topic”. A similarly wide spectrum was encountered when it came to the acceptance of gender issues amongst some colleagues: gender issues were seen as not taken very seriously or greatly undervalued, with very few colleagues reflecting them in practice. In other departments gender topics were valued more positively or highly, being seen as part of anti-discriminatory practice or as an important aspect of social work education. In keeping with the Bologna Process, fourteen of the universities which responded have already installed bachelor’s courses and nearly all participating countries have master’s courses already set up. The majority of respondents mentioned different key problems relating to the integration of gender topics within bachelor’s and master’s courses in social work. In the case of universities which have incorporated gender perspectives into their BA or MA in Social Work, the option most frequently selected was the integration of “gender as a cross-sectional topic in all modules“, followed by a “diversity module“. 3.6 Four possible ways to integrate gender perspectives within social work curricula The four options offered in the questionnaire include different possibilities and means of integrating gender within the (new) social work curricula. In the following, we will discuss what the different options might mean in practice, and discuss some problems with their realisation. a) Gender as a cross-sectional topic in all modules. To realise this option would mean initiating the aforementioned process of gender mainstreaming in social work. All topics and disciplines taught in social work would integrate gender perspectives.

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b) Gender competence as a generic competence. For a true understanding of this option there needs to be clarification about terms. “Generic competences” and “subject-specific competences” have been investigated in the TUNING Project (Tuning, 2006), with the goal of defining learning outcomes through tuned competences in Europe. Following the question «What are the most important competences to be employed independent of one’s subject area?» generic competences and skills have been divided into “instrumental”, “interpersonal” and “systemic” competences (Tuning, 2006). «In tuning competences are described as reference points for curriculum design and evaluation, not as straightjackets. They allow flexibility and autonomy in the construction of curricula. At the same time, they provide a common language for describing what curricula are aiming at» (European Commission, 2006c). Gender issues and competence have not been listed in the 30-item generic competences questionnaire for graduates and employers, whereas there are three items which stress intercultural competence (“appreciation of diversity and multiculturalism“,“ability to work in an international context“,“understanding of the cultures and customs of other countries“; Tuning, 2006). At this point we may consider diverse and unconnected discourses within EU policy: gender mainstreaming has not been integrated into the Bologna process. Yet another example of gender not being mentioned at all is one of the follow-up projects in the tuning process: A Framework for Qualifications of the European Higher Education Area worked out in 2005 by a Bologna Working Group on the Qualifications Framework (Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation, 2005). In comparison with the tuning project, our questionnaire and proposal includes the option “gender competence as a generic learning outcome“. Gender competence reflects a capacity to identify where difference on the basis of gender is significant, and to act in ways that might produce more equitable outcomes for both women and men. Gender competence integrates knowledge, skills and attitudes, and therefore must be described as part of the curriculum design. c) A specific gender module would be useful to any understanding of the history of the profession, as well as to the understanding of current debates concerning theorising social work practice. The institutional processes and hierarchies in social work practice, the gender-specific labour divisions in social work theory, education and research of the problems facing service users and clients of social work, and the interaction between service users and professional social workers could be made transparent (Báñez, Ehlert, 2005, p. 39). A gender module offers the opportunity to work out gender competence in a focused way and to combine the teaching of knowledge, skills, attitudes, gender awareness and professional reflection.

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d) Gender is integrated within a diversity module. If “diversity” is seen as a category of inequality, the construction of different categories could be the subject of a module: gender, race and ethnicity, class, sexuality, age, etc. Intercultural competences, gender competences and strategies of antidiscrimination in social work could all be linked in such a module. 3.7 Discussion. Gender in social work curricula The implementation of each option could respectively raise manifold problems: there is still a need for research and publications within this field; there is a lack of knowledge about the impact gender issues might have upon social work practice. There are several lecturers and professors teaching social work who don’t necessarily possess the right qualifications to do so, and in many departments gender experts are a rarity. It would be impossible to integrate gender issues into all modules. In relation to specific gender modules, there are many issues to discuss, the first of these being the relevance of gender. Is gender, in competition with other topics, seen as being important enough to be given a module in its own right? If so, should this be a compulsory module or not? And, if there is a gender module in the curriculum, this could be seen as a cover for failing to integrate gender into other modules. In a diversity module, the danger might be that the gender aspect would be less explicitly discussed. The collective results from Germany, Spain and the EU partners show that the common problems and difficulties which arise could be described as being general problems with the process. In the analyses from Spain and Germany, we could see a variety of problems that arose both within and between the countries; the EUSW partners confirmed that a spectrum of difficulties existed. In the following we summarize the results. – The relevance of gender within social work is not taken for granted. These issues are seen as a female topic more related to the personal, political and social interests of female lecturers than the academic and scientific knowledge which should be taught at the university. Gender perspectives are not necessarily seen as part of the expert knowledge and social competences of social workers. – There is a distinction made between a few colleagues who are “specialised” in gender topics and “the others”. Teachers’ qualifications are often not sufficient to cover gender as an integrated topic. – In the design of the curricula, gender stands in competition with all topics. Here, its relevance and its lack of awareness concerning its own importance play a role once more.

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– Gender is still mainly understood as a “women’s issue”. Yet the concept of gender, regarding maleness and femaleness as socially constructed categories, could be of great use when it comes to the researching, the doing of social projects and the teaching undertaken in social work. The use of gender perspectives could improve the understanding of social topics and problems, which would be seen in relation not only to women, but to children, family, poverty, unemployment, social policy, etc. – General awareness of gender is too limited: female and male social workers and lecturers are not always aware of the importance gender has in their personal and professional identity. This means they may identify the gender relations within society as something natural not subject to change, rather than something constructed by culture and society. This lack of awareness may explain the reason why some teachers, students, and social work practitioners find themselves unmotivated when it comes to incorporating gender perspectives into social work education. – A lack of knowledge exists about gender perspectives and social work. Although gender research and theory development has been undertaken in different disciplines (History, Sociology, Philosophy, Language and Literature, Anthropology, Economics, etc.), there appears to be a persistent failing when it comes to the application of these perspectives to everyday social work theory and practice. Without the application of these ideas to everyday practical experience, how is it possible to produce any genuine knowledge on the topic of gender and social work? To strengthen the relevance of gender issues within the social work curricula, it is essential that gender is considered part of the criteria in the national accreditation, evaluation and quality assurance process. Here, the crucial link between the Bologna process, gender mainstreaming, the reform of curricula, and the integration of gender topics becomes obvious. Therefore, guidelines given by the EU and international organisations such as the standards from the IASSW are very important. As we have seen, there is a blind gender policy at this point in time, certainly in comparison with the focus that has been placed upon intercultural knowledge and competence in the EU Tuning Project. Up to now we have not seen any discourses or processes which link gender mainstreaming and the Bologna process at EU level. Top-down strategies, like the aforementioned, must work in synthesis with a number of other strategies. To improve upon existing knowledge with regard to gender perspectives and social work, it would be necessary to research, to publish specialised literature, and to train teachers. Furthermore, social workers should be participating in social work research about gender-oriented practice. This type of research might produce new theoretical knowledge that could be published and used by lecturers within

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the universities. To tackle the lack of gender awareness in social work students and practitioners, a necessary strategy could be the inclusion of gender issues as a compulsory topic within the social work curriculum, as we have clearly illustrated in this discussion of the four different options. Bibliography
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(2004), El trabajo social en Aragón. El proceso de profesionalización de una actividad feminizada, tesis doctoral, Universidad Rovira y Virgili, Tarragona. ID. (2005), Del trabajo de apostolado a la profesionalización. Análisis de la profesión de Trabajo Social en Aragón, in “Cuadernos de Trabajo Social”, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Madrid, pp. 79-98. BÁÑEZ T., EHLERT G. (2005), Gender and Social Work. Influences of Gender on the Process of Professionalization in Spain and Germany, in E. Frost (ed.), Children, Young People and Families. Examining Social Work Practice in Europe, Carocci, Roma, pp. 39-51. BECKER-SCHMIDT R., KNAPP G. A. (1995), Das Geschlechterverhältnis als Gegenstand der Sozialwissenschaften, Campus, Frankfurt am Main - New York. BERESWILL M. (2006): Weiblichkeit und Gewalt – grundsätzliche Überlegungen zu einer undurchsichtigen Beziehung, in M. Zander, L. Hartwig, I. Jansen (hrsg.), Geschlecht Nebensache? Zur Aktualität einer Gender-Perspektive in der Sozialen Arbeit, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden. BRÜCKNER M . (2001), Reflections on the Reproduction and Transformation of Gender Differences among Women in the Shelter Movement in Germany, in “Violence Against Women”, vol. 7, 7, July 2001, pp. 760-78. BUNDESZENTRALE FÜR GESUNDHEITLICHE AUFKLÄRUNG (hrsg.) (2005), Teenagerschwangerschaften in Sachsen, Angebote und Hilfebedarf aus professioneller Sicht, Köln. CALASANTI T., SLEVIN K., SLEVIN F. (2001), Gender, Social Inequalities, and Ageing, AltaMira Press, Lanham - New York - Oxford. CONSEJO GENERAL DEL PODER JUDICIAL (2006), Datos de los procedimientos penales incoados y órdenes de protección solicitadas en los Juzgados de violencia sobre la mujer en su primer año de funcionamiento, http://www.observatorioviolencia.org/documentos, July, 12th, 2006. DANIEL B. et al. (2005), Why Gender Matters for «Every Child Matters», in “British Journal of Social Work”, 35, pp. 1343-55. EHLERT G., HASENJÜRGEN B. (2005), Gender im Bolognaprozess. Zur Diskussion über die Reformierung des Studiums der Sozialen Arbeit, in “Neue Praxis”, 5, pp. 458-75. EUROPEAN COMMISSION (2006a), The Bologna Agreement. Next stop Bergen 2005, http://ec.europa.eu/education/policies/educ/bologna/bologna_en.html (Accessed 10.11.2006).

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Section Two Modes of Learning in European Social Work Education: Harnessing Innovation and Experience

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4 The Role of the Virtual Classroom in Opening Up the European Curriculum
by Anne Karin Larsen and Grete Oline Hole

4.1 Introduction This chapter focuses upon the reflections of students regarding their participation in the e-learning courses organized through the VIRCLASS project (http://www.virclass.net). By examining further the students’ own reflections, our desire is to make improvements to any future courses we offer. How can e-learning courses in social work contribute to the development of professional competences? The concepts of learning which underlie the e-learning courses in VIRCLASS are presented, and then a brief overview of the research process follows. The presentation of data will relate directly to the central themes which emerged through the examination of students’ reflections upon e-learning. The chapter ends with us deliberating on both the students’ reflections on learning and the actual significance of reflecting upon learning in social work. 4.2 The overall concept of learning The overall concept of learning utilized in this educational programme is connected to social constructivism (Bergen, Luckman, 1966) and socio-cultural learning theory (Wenger, 1998; Säljö, 1999; Dysthe, 2001), where learning is seen as situationally and culturally dependent. The environment is therefore integral to the learning outcome. VIRCLASS has five core pedagogical principles: – Creating a virtual learning environment, where students feel inspired, safe and confident. With e-learning courses it is important to provide guidance for the students making their way into the virtual classroom for the first time; these students were introduced to simple tasks that could be solved by following instructions from available tutorials. This way, they knew how to navigate their way into the “virtual classroom”, and would be familiar with the options this new learning environment might

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offer once learning commenced (Salmon, 2004). This gradual introduction, along with the presence of a teacher in the classroom who was able to provide a quick response to any student request, both reduced stress and enhanced the learning possibilities of students, corresponding with the findings of Gunawardena (2003). – Problem-based or task-oriented ways of learning. Another principle was the use of task-oriented and problem-solving methods of both teaching and learning. Emphasis is placed on a pupil-centred curriculum, with learning materials and tasks/assignments structured in such a way that they would stimulate students to learn (Biggs, 1999; Knowles, 1975). During this study, students were asked to solve specific tasks and choose a theme/problem to be discussed, where they could make a comparison between the perspective from their own country and the perspective of students from two other countries. – Stimulating co-operation, interaction and dialogue among students and teachers from different countries. The third learning principle was to establish cooperation, interaction, discussion and dialogue (Brown, Collins, Duguid, 1989; Dysthe, 2001). We promoted interaction and cooperation by asynchronous discussions, compulsory interaction, cooperative task solving, the use of e-mail, putting messages and information concerning the following week’s work on a bulletin board. Assignments were tailored to stimulate cooperation between the students and encourage them to apply a comparative approach to their studies. A lesson in task-oriented approaches/problem-based learning (ENOTHE, 2004) was presented, with student activity being emphasized as an important aspect of e-learning. For many students this was an entirely new way of learning, and the challenge was to choose a manageable topic for both study and comparative work, connected to both the objectives and content of the course, alongside the curriculum plan. With e-learning courses, online-discussions are a means of triggering cooperation, and both students and teachers highlight the importance of stimulating synchronic discussions online in the virtual classroom. Only asynchronous discussions among students and teachers were possible at this time, due to server problems with the LMS used, and problems finding a time which suited all participants. – Self-reflection on learning as a tool for professional development. The fourth learning principle involves encouraging the students to reflect upon their own learning process by taking a meta-perspective, whilst also seeking a means of expressing their tacit professional knowledge (Polanyi, 1966; Steier, 1991). Students were asked to present their reflections on learning at the conclusion of the course; this was part of their final assignment. For modules one and three, the assignments were indi-

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vidually written papers; for module two, students delivered a portfolio assignment using principles from Paulsen, Pauson, Meyer (1991). Reflection from students is important if we wish to encourage openness to new knowledge and ideas, and wish students to develop an increasing awareness surrounding any obstacles to learning there might be (Schön, 1983). This reflective process is often looked upon as running directly parallel to the problem-solving component of the social worker/client relationship; here observations made by the social work students as part of their earlier learning/problem-solving experience may be of direct use when it comes to their later work with clients (Askeland, 1994). During the reflective process, we examined this experience by looking at our behaviour, ideas and feelings (Boud, Keogh, Walker, 1985). By utilising positive feelings, negative obstructions could be removed, resulting in both an entirely new perspective on the experience and a change in individual behavioural patterns. Therefore, reflecting on the learning process is a tool one uses for increasing professional competence (Adams, Dominelli, Payne, 1998; Fook, 2002). – Academic/evidence-based writing. Throughout all these modules, academic standards of writing applied. Students were advised to use the Harvard Guide of References, linking directly to the source. Only a few students managed to use this guide properly from the beginning, yet many improved their skills as the modules progressed. During the summer school period of module three, a lecture/seminar was held on how best to practice evidence-based writing, a quick show of hands showed that very few students had been required to meet these demands previously, or were at all familiar with the use of this standard. 4.3 The educational programme: social work in Europe The programme (Curriculum plan, 2004-2005) consisted of three modules, with two being available as e-learning courses. The first module (5 ECTS credits) was Social Work in Europe, commonalities and differences, and could be optioned either as an e-learning course or through independent study. The second module, Comparative perspectives on core issues in Social Work in Europe (10 ECTS credits), was offered only through e-learning. Students were given five options to choose here: discrimination and oppression; poverty; ethnic diversity; welfare systems; and social work education, theory, method and skill training. The third module combined independent study with a summer school in Parma, Italy, where the same themes dominated, but further emphasis was placed upon social work practice.

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In the first module, students were able to choose topics: from Campanini and Frost (2004) relating to the background, history and curricula of social work education, the meaning of the term “social worker”, the professional status of social work, the role of social workers, challenges facing social work, and the most significant European dimensions when it comes to social work and social work education for the future. Students were asked to present their own topics of interest to two fellow students, who must originate from a different part of Europe to themselves; alongside this they were required to provide a selection of questions about this topic. This way, students were able to focus beyond their own very limited points of interest by researching questions presented to them by other students, using their native resources to do so. However, levels of accuracy, and the use made of referencing sources and literature, differed greatly amongst the students; this made it difficult for students to discern whether the answers supplied to their questions were based on subjective opinion or reliable sources. The students developed their final assignments gradually. First, students presented both the situation and aspects connected to their topic in relation to three different countries, and then they presented the commonalities and differences between those countries. What the students were being asked to do is complicated. To study and understand different aspects of the “same” phenomenon across different countries and cultures is difficult, especially when one must ensure that similar concepts are understood and interpreted in a similar fashion, in order that comparability might be enabled in the first place. 4.4 Research method and material This is a case study (Yin, 2003) based upon the writings of forty-four students, originating from thirteen countries across Europe, a study in which they reflect upon their own learning experience during their final assignments. The writings come from the e-learning students participating in the course Social Work in Europe. Thirty-two students participated in module one, twenty-three students participated in module two, and sixteen students participated in module three; this gives us a total sample of seventy-one student writings to analyse. The writings were left anonymous, and were coded before being presented for analysis. Identifiers such as gender, nationality, course and code numbers were left, so that it would be possible to make a comprehensive study of text taken from the same students over three modules. In the presentation of the quotas later, only nationality will be presented, so that we can illustrate the international multiplicity of students. The text has been analysed and interpreted according to

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hermeneutic principles of research (Alvesson, Sköldberg, 1994), starting with the reading of the material as a whole, in order to sort out main topics of interests, and then returning to individual texts, so that one can analyze the sample according to the total impression. Both the researchers’ interpretation and understanding of the text are crucial; and this will be presented and discussed, alongside a declaration of their presuppositions, both early on and in the following review of the material. This will hopefully provide any background necessary to the stated findings. Before starting the analysis of these texts, several considerations needed to be made. Students might not be used to giving written reflections; they didn’t always understand why this was necessary. Also, they did not always possess an awareness of the learning process they were undertaking throughout the course; this made it difficult for them to recall both the challenges and the positive experiences. They were told that this reflection upon learning could influence their mark (one grade up or down), yet may have still considered this a trivial part of their assignment. Maybe they felt the instruction surrounding this task had been insufficient, and had found it difficult to understand how to approach the task. Perhaps they were afraid that revealing information about their own learning process might bring them to be seen in a less flattering light by the assessor. However, in spite of this, we found it fruitful looking into the material and writings taken from students, and with their permission, began to interpret this writing. Even though the assignments were designed for students reflecting upon the learning process, the phrasing used within the different modules was subtly different; this might have influenced the students’ work. Through the careful reading and analysis of the texts taken from the students in our sample, six main findings evolved. Students reflected upon: – what it means to be an e-learning student; – language barriers; – time and structure; – learning through dialogue; – personal and professional development; – differences in culture and understanding. Later this data will be presented to you under the above headings, alongside student quotes from those who have participated in more than one module. This is partly due to the nature of the research questions, which give consideration to there being a possible “evolution” within the knowledge and reflective capacity of each student, but also partly the result of language skills actively improving over the duration of the course. Even though students endeavoured to express their thoughts on these themes, their language skills frequently limited them. From an ethical point of view,

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we decided not to expose these students; using their quotes in non-native English would not justify them. The selected quotes presented in this chapter represent thirteen students from eight countries. The two authors of this chapter involved themselves in the project in different ways. One author was the project leader and teacher; the other author took on the role of being a researcher who could look at the process with an outsider’s perspective. The combining of these two very different perspectives has had an integral part to play in securing the validation of this interpretation of data. 4.5 What do students express in their reflection on learning? Definitions of reflecting upon learning can be manifold. The definition from Alvesson and Sköldberg (1994, p. 321) supports our basic ideas «Reflection is meditation on the preconceptions for one’s activity and research on how personal and intellectual involvement influences the interaction with the object for research. When reflecting, we search to understand premises for our own thoughts, observations and use of language» (translation from Swedish by the authors). To be able to look back and express one’s own learning process is not an easy task. To see oneself objectively, and to become one’s own critic, is neither easy nor pleasant. The results of these student presentations vary enormously; their length ranges from a few lines long to several pages. Would only individual differences come to the fore, or would differences arise between students from different countries? Is reflection on learning something culturally dependent or not? By examining the reflections made by students who have participated in several of the modules, we will discover if and how their reflections upon learning evolve. One of then states:
Analysing and reflecting upon my own learning forced me to think hard. It felt like this had been one of the hardest tasks […]. During the course I’ve not only acquired new knowledge, I also developed many of my own study techniques. To a certain extent I’m used to independent study and not having classes to attend, but it was challenging for me to create my own schedule and stick to it.

Looking through the notes on reflection, there seem to be two categories which emerge. Some students present an evaluation of the course, rather than a reflection upon their own learning process. Students doing the evaluation are summarizing what they have learned by showing and listing the objectives of the study programme. They want to display their knowledge base, but do so without presenting any deeper understanding, otherwise

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called “coding your learning” (Løkensgard Hoel, Gudmundsdottir, 1999). Students who reflect upon their own learning process are presenting as part of this reflection the emotional and personal experiences which accompanied their participation in the courses. Many of them report a new competence of acting (our interpretation as social workers) which came as a consequence of the knowledge they acquired during the courses, and the way this influenced their thinking concerning both their roles as social workers and their handling of problems. However, the diversity noted in the style of these presentations could simply be due to the different phrasing used to describe tasks within different modules. 4.6 Main findings 4.6.1. What it is like to be an e-learning student in social work? For nearly all students, this was a first-time experience. Students thought that introductory tutorials worked well, and most managed to understand quickly how the new classroom operated. This corresponds with findings from Paulsen (2003). Students expressed satisfaction at feeling part of the wave of new possibilities surrounding the IT revolution, and enjoyed learning as part of a network. They found the learning process interesting and innovative. Some difficulties arose as a result of students being delayed, either at the beginning or further along the course, due to computer problems.
Before starting this course, I felt strongly that distance learning would not be appropriate for social work studies. The main tools for a social worker are his personality and his ability to establish connections with his environment. Communication is the tool with which one establishes these connections, which I thought would be difficult to do using the e-learning process. I was definitely wrong. Modern technologies provide us with possibilities to communicate in other ways, ways which also widen our view of the social work field. (Greek student) This kind of learning was absolutely new to me and it took me some time to grasp how and what I should do in order to communicate with instructors and fellow students. Perhaps, therefore, I was a little bit slow at the beginning. Though by the end of the course, I felt content with what I learnt during those weeks and have expanded my intercultural knowledge of social work. (Lithuanian student)

4.6.2. Language barriers Becoming an e-learning student for the first time will not only mean getting familiar with a new site, but will also mean learning a new

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language or way of communicating (Paulsen, 2003). Good tutorials and helpful teachers were a necessary means of support when it came to managing this new arena. For many students on these courses, the greatest challenge was to communicate in English, which was for many elearning students not their native language:
Initially there was a language barrier, because it was not easy to write or discuss things in English for me. But after the course, I improved my English, I think. This became very good English language practice for me. Other difficulties related to the language barrier: it was sometimes difficult to understand what other students were trying to say and if I understood them right. (Lithuanian student)

Apart from the problems surrounding the use of the English language, the use of professional terms, different ways of understanding and different translations of concepts also meant that at times the experience was difficult and problematic. It is easy to assume that you understand and experience things in the same way, if you are not precise with your definition of concepts.
I have also learned a little more about which questions I should have drafted for the other students. My questions were either not good enough to elicit the right kind of answers, or they were misunderstood. (Norwegian student)

4.6.3. Time and structure Most of the students involved in this programme took up the course as a supplement to their everyday study programme, which could cause great stress if workloads increased simultaneously. Students sometimes expressed surprise that the course demanded so much of them, expecting them to participate in exchanges so frequently with other students on this online course. It seems that students had the idea that online courses came independent of any time schedule (Paulsen, 2003). With this study, co-operation among students from different nations was important, yet different time schedules sometimes made this problematic. Some students were on holiday and some students were taking important exams at their home university during this period.
Every learning process is unique. Sometimes it is like a journey: some things are predictable and can be planned, but some things in this process you cannot plan or predict. Sometimes it is like a venture, which you take into your hands and try to handle accordingly. According to Jarvi (1992), every learning process is very individual and it is very natural for men to ask questions about life. It is this

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asking which starts the learning process. Lack of clarity gives us the opportunity to ask questions and therefore sets off the learning process, leaving us open to new experience […]. Before starting this process, I had little information on how intensive it would be and no imagination concerning what learning skills might be important or useful. (Lithuanian student)

Yet, participating in this intensive course on top of other studies or work made some students more efficient and productive in their working methods.
I had not as much time as I would have liked. There were holidays amid the course and some projects at my home university, which made it very hard. BUT, this way I learned to become a student all the time, not only at university. I used the time I had very effectively. So in the end I was successful. (German student)

4.6.4. Learning through dialogue One of the challenges of open distance learning is to make students interested in the co-operative aspects, not just the individual aspects of work. As previously stated, a primary objective of this project has been to increase cooperation amongst students and teachers from different countries across Europe. The way to do this was through a task-centred approach, while creating a demand for comparative work amongst students from different countries. Discussion arenas were established. Students were encouraged to ask and respond to questions from each other, and in this way retrieve any necessary or additional information they could not perhaps locate through literature. Common findings of this data material stress the importance of the responses from other students and the utilization of this method of peer learning (Boud, Cohen, Sampson, 2001). Students learned a lot through doing research on topics for the other students, as well as benefiting from the answers they received to their own questions. Nonetheless, it was also, at times, a stressful experience to be dependent on others, and to feel oneself responsible for another student’s delay, since it was not always possible to answer in time. The rigid structure and timetable had not been expected by everyone:
I will try to describe why the e-learning process became very precious to me. My colleagues from two other countries brought the educational systems and social work professions of their native countries much closer to my understanding. Most importantly, I am now more interested in social work than ever. My mind began to function in an entirely different way over these seven weeks. (Macedonian student)

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I have found it very interesting answering the other students’ questions; there were questions which I found challenging, simply because I did not know anything about the subject. So I have learnt a great deal about my own country as well. I think that this is perhaps one of the main principles of the course: to learn about other countries, but to look at your native country also, to observe the difference, and try to improve upon the things which seem to be better elsewhere. (Hungarian student)

4.6.5. Culture and understanding In a study placing emphasis on commonalities and difference, culture and different ways of constructing reality become part of the challenge and the knowledge sought (Lave, Wenger, 1991). Few of the students had ever studied social work outside their own country, and they possessed limited knowledge concerning the situation of social workers and social work elsewhere. The students’ final assignments, however, suggested that knowledge about other cultures, and ways of thinking about them, had improved and increased.
I think it is very important to be self-reflective and self-conscious where personal discriminatory behaviour is concerned. What I have understood from taking this course is that people can discriminate without being aware of doing so, whilst seemingly having no ill intentions or ideas of superiority concerning discriminated groups. I know that in my practice I always encourage my colleagues to advance their knowledge and work hard to increase their tolerance towards all groups of people that are discriminated against. This is what I expect from myself too.”… “ I am very grateful to my fellow students, who, through acting as representatives of their countries, provided a clearer picture on discrimination in that country than a foreigner could ever attain through reading a number of legal acts. (Lithuanian student) I received information about discrimination during my study, especially sexism, and have since broadened my knowledge. We might notice discrimination in everyday life, but not many scientists research this field in Poland. I think these studies helped me to understand different aspects of isolation, and helped me to notice groups of people that are discriminated against. But we don’t talk about them here. (Polish student)

4.6.6. Personal and professional development As a social worker, it is imperative to involve both your personal and professional self. To separate these is neither possible nor desirable (Skau, 2005). This might be best expressed through the experience of

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some students who found they were more confident in both themselves and their work following the course. They had managed to accomplish the study of e-learning, using a foreign language to do so; they had undertaken comparative work and communicated with both students and teachers from other countries; they had extended their knowledge, attitudes and skill in relation to different aspects of social work.
After an initial problematic period during module two, I coped with ease when it came to e-learning. This gave a newfound confidence in my computer skills, and makes me open to accepting this learning method as a possible way to continue study. (Greek student) Regarding professional practice, this course encourages me to think about my work in a new way, to think how my work could be oppressive and damaging to my clients. (Lithuanian student) I believe the greatest impact of this course will positively reflect on the quality of provision I am able to give to my clients. For the time being, I am able to say how I will employ the knowledge practically. (Lithuanian student) As to my professional development, learning once more about the role and responsibilities of social workers made me more aware of the type of practice I would endeavour to follow in my everyday work. I found out that I should not simply treat these individuals with a mixture of technical competencies and humanism, but alongside this, I should use a holistic approach and be committed to social justice [Lishman, 1991]. Now, I do feel scared that I might be unable to achieve these aims, but I find myself highly motivated to at least try to change some of my working practices. (German student)

4.7 Reflections on student reflections on learning Starting the research about the students’ writing upon their reflections on learning, this key question was raised: How can e-learning courses in social work contribute to the development of professional competences? Are there only individual differences within students’ writings on their reflections, or are there differences between students from different countries? Is reflection upon learning something culturally dependent or not? By examining the reflections made by students who have participated in several of the modules, is it possible to see any developments regarding the way they reflect? Looking at these writings from a cultural perspective, some differences are readily identified. It seems that the

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most thorough reflections upon the learning process come from students originating from the eastern part of Europe and Germany. The shortest writings on this reflection process come from the students experiencing language difficulties, who had special problems with this aspect of the assignments. Students from Eastern Europe were also those who expressed their development in personal and professional matters more clearly than students from other countries. In many ways, new perspectives, like the anti-oppressive and anti-discriminatory practice presented in the courses, made them more aware of new aspects within their professional role. In eastern European countries, social work is a very new profession, and it has been important for students from these countries to see this young profession develop in a good way, keeping abreast of the developments in other European countries. Comparing the writings of students participating in several of the modules illustrated that the number of words used in these reflective pieces increased incrementally through modules one, two and three. Module one was a short and intense course, introducing many new elements to the students. According to theories on reflection (Boud, Keogh, Walker, 1985), there is a need for some time to elapse after the event before analysis can take place. In module one, there was little time to do that. In modules two and three, students could look back upon module one and they also had a longer time frame to now reflect back upon. They had become used to this reflection on learning, and more secure about their new learning situation. Student reflection during module three became, in many ways, the students’ reflection upon half a year of part-time study. There were, of course, other ways in which students were able to express the knowledge and emotions surrounding this learning process for them: really meeting students from other countries, which happened in the summer schools, could bring forth different aspects of the learning process, aspects not always accessible to e-learners. Mostly, all students gave a positive evaluation of the virtual situation, both at the end of modules one and two as well as on the completion of the whole programme. This might simply be because the students answering were the ones who had managed to complete the course. The leavers’ opinions were not included. However, the project leader received e-mails from nearly all students who had to withdraw from the programme, and the chief reasons why students aborted this course were due to the combined weight of workload from the course coupled with their everyday workload as students in their home university, or problems of a personal nature. Some of the students who started the course late had problems keeping up with the schedule and disappeared for this reason. Students who successfully completed the course agreed that their

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knowledge of their subject and their knowledge of both social work in Europe and social work in their native country had increased. Students were positively surprised by how quickly they negotiated this new learning environment and how quickly they overcame their initial frustrations struggling with the e-learning platform. Students have indicated that quick responses from teachers to their questions and assignments became an important aspect of the course. Some students experienced language difficulties, since they had to read, write and express their own ideas in English. Some improved both their language and computer skills. For many students, the task-centred approach had been a new experience, triggering both an improvement in their own abilities and a greater curiosity for research and the seeking out of information. Students expressed frustration about the lack of time they felt they had had to concentrate on these studies and do their best, whilst also attending other study and activities. At the same time, students presenting their final papers appeared satisfied with having managed to fulfil their obligations and felt satisfaction with the knowledge they had acquired through the programme. Students also expressed feelings of both increased self-confidence and professional competence, gained as a consequence of participating in this programme. Examining the students’ reflections in light of the theory of Boud et al. (1985), it appears that students, after thinking about their experience, utilise their positive feelings and remove negative obstructions, therefore redefining their experience. After struggling with getting to know this new learning environment, then managing to negotiate the system, students acquire a newfound confidence, seeing themselves as effective learners in a new environment. Conquering an arena they had formerly struggled with made many students redefine any initial feelings of frustration, regarding these initial feelings as inconsequential by the end of the course. Taking a Situationist perspective, knowledge and skills develop through social practice, and are situated in certain types of activities (Säljö, 1999; Lave, Wenger, 1991). Students on these courses explain how the development within themselves of a new perspective will make a difference to their dealings with clients in their daily practice. Looking at the theory of situated learning, this will not always be the case. Learning undertaken in one environment will not necessarily be adapted readily to another. However, since students on these courses also had the opportunity to choose the subject they wished to research, many chose subjects close to their daily interests or work experience. One might think new knowledge about social work in other countries could be of use; this reflection upon one’s own knowledge, skills and attitudes could be readily assimilated into an everyday working environment. Returning

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to the question under research, this case study has revealed interesting phenomena connected to the development of professional competences through the use of e-learning in international studies in social work, yet it is not possible to provide any kind of final answer to the question. 4.8 Why is reflecting upon learning important for social work? Social workers use themselves as tools within their work, working with people in need of help. To be a reflective person, able to learn from experience and make experience conscious, is the way one increases professional and personal competences. Critical reflection (Fook, 2002, p. 43) is a method whereby students (or practitioners) describe a situation in storytelling terms, and as a second step phrase reflective questions (reflectionon-action) concerning their story, focusing on issues of power and how notions of power are constructed. Step three, the process of redeveloping practice and theory, becomes especially concerned with how power relations and structures can be adapted to become more emancipatory. What can clearly be seen within some of the reflections from students are their concerns about power, especially in relation to their work with clients. Theories about anti-oppressive and anti-discriminatory practice (Dalrymple, Burke, 1995), as well as empowerment (Solomon, 1976, 1987), have brought new concepts and perspectives into the lives of students, this has made them reflect on their own practice with regard to power issues. During the summer school, we saw that students regarded themselves as powerless in relation to their practice placement and their educational situation. In a situation where social workers must negotiate systems of power within their daily work, it is vital that they think themselves empowered enough to action change.
To read about anti-oppressive practice made me doubt some of my own strategies. It gave me a strong impulse to consider working on a structural level, not always to focus on the individual. (German student)

Knowledge is important for understanding and developing anti-discriminatory attitudes and practices. This is a challenge for social workers all over Europe: to increase understanding of how this can be addressed by social workers, not only on an individual level within the social worker/client relationship, but on a structural and political level; to make societies aware of the problems caused by discrimination, oppression and poverty. As shown from these courses, and shown from the feedback of participating students, this became an important part of their studies. This also influ-

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enced their thoughts about practice, about how they themselves might make a difference, through awareness of their own actions and consciousness about models of oppression. To lift the self-esteem of social workers across Europe, it is important to empower future social workers, enabling them to cope with the challenges that surround them.
During the preparation for the final assignment, most of all, I learned about empowerment, and what it really meant. Not only clients need to be empowered, we must start with the students, who need to be empowered so they can make changes and assert their ideas. […] I learned that by being a social worker you can make a difference!!! (Macedonian student)

Bibliography
ADAMS R., DOMINELLI L., PAYNE M. (1998), Social Work, Themes, Issues and Criti-

cal Debates, Macmillan, London. (1994), Tolkning och reflection, Studentlitteratur, Lund. ASKELAND G. A. (1994), Studium i klientarbeid, Samlaget, Oslo. BERGER P., LUCKMANN T. (1966), The Social Construction of Reality, Doubleday, New York. BIGGS J . (1999), What the Student Does: Teaching for Enhanced Learning, in “Higher Education Research and Development”, vol. 18, 1, pp. 57-75. BOUD D ., COHEN R ., SAMPSON J . (2001), Peer Learning in Higher Education, Kogan Page, London. BOUD D., KEOGH R., WALKER D. (1985), Reflection: Turning Experience into Learning, Kogan Page, London. BROWN J. S., COLLINS A., DUGUID P. (1989), Situated Cognition and the Culture of Learning, in “Educational Researcher”, vol. 18, pp. 32-42. CAMPANINI A., FROST E. (eds.) (2004), European Social Work. Commonalities and Differences, Carocci, Roma. CURRICULUM PLAN (2004-2005), Social work in Europe, http://home.hib.no/ ahs/virclass/curriculum_plan.html (Accessed 05.06.2006). DALRYMPLE J., BURKE V. (1995), Anti-Oppressive Practice. Social Care and the Law, Open University Press, Buckingham. DYSTHE O. (2001), Dialog, Samspel og læring, Abstract forlag, Oslo. ECTS (EUROPEAN CREDIT TRANSFER AND ACCUMULATION SYSTEM), #titolo?# http://europa.eu.int/comm/education/programmes/socrates/ects/index_en.ht ml (Accessed 05.06.2006 ). ENOTHE (2004), PBL Stories & Signposts: Towards a Problem-based Learningoriented Curriculum, ENOTHE office. Hogeschool van Amsterdam. European Social Work Thematic Network EUSW-TN #data? Titolo?#, http://www.eusw.unipr.it (Accessed 05.06.2006). FOOK, J. (2002), Social Work. Critical Theory and Practice, Sage, London.
ALVESSON M., SKÖLDBERG K.

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(2003), Researching Online Learning and Group Dynamics. Models and Methods, in Y. Fritze, G. Haugsbakk, Y. Nordkvelle (eds.), Dialog og nærhet: IKT og undervisning, Høyskoleforlaget, Kristiansand. KNOWLES M. (1975), Self-Directed Learning: A Guide for Learners and Teachers, Association Press, New York. LAVE J., WENGER E. (1991), Situated Learning. Legitimate Peripheral Participation, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. LISHMAN J . (1991), Handbook of Theory for Practice Teachers in Social Work, Kingsley, London. LØKENSGARD HOEL T., GUDMUNDSDOTTIR S . (1999), Studenter, refleksjon og veiledning via e-post, Tapir, Trondheim. PAULSEN F. L., PAUSON P. R., MEYER C. A. (1991), What Makes a Portfolio a Portfolio?, in “Educational Leadership”, vol. 48, pp. 30-3, Association for Supervision and Curriculum, Washington. PAULSEN M. F. (2003), Online Education. Learning Management Systems. Global e-learning in a Scandinavian perspective, NKI, Bekkestua. POLANYI M. (1966), The Tacit Dimension, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London. SÄLJÖ R. (1999), Learning as the Use of Tools. A Sociocultural Perspective on the Human-technology Link, in K. Littleton, P. Light (eds.), Learning with Computers- Analysing productive interaction, Routledge, London - New York. SALMON G. (2004), E-moderating: The Key to Teaching and Learning Online, Routledge, London. SCHÖN D. (1983), The Reflective Practitioner: How Professionals Think in Action, Basic Books, New York. ID. (1987), Educating the Reflective Practitioner, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco. SKAU G. M. (2005), Gode fagfolk vokser. Personlig kompetanse som utfordring, Cappelen akademiske forlag, Oslo. SOLOMON B. B. (1976), Black Empowerment: Social Work in Oppressed Communities, Columbia University Press, New York. ID. (1987), Empowerment: Social Work in Oppressed Communities, in “Journal of Social Work Practice”, May, pp. 79-91. STEIER F. (1991), Research and Reflexivity, Sage, London. WENGER E. (1998), Communities of Practice. Learning, Meaning and Identity. Learning in Doing: Social, Cognitive, and Computational Perspectives, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. YIN R. K. (2003), Case Study Research: Design and Methods, Sage, Thousand Oaks.

Documents
Harvard Guide of References: http://www.bournemouth.ac.uk/academic_services/documents/Library/Citing_References.pdf (Accessed 09.06.2006). Virtual Classroom for Social Work in Europe (VIRCLASS): http://www.virclass.net (Accessed 05.06.2006).

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5 Professionalism in Social Work and the Education of Social Workers: A Cross Cultural Perspective
by Carsten Otte and Klas-Göran Olsson

5.1 Introduction This chapter is about professionalism in social work from German and Swedish perspectives. We have chosen these countries as they represent two different welfare models: the Scandinavian model and the Conservative model (Esping-Andersen, 1990). These models differ in many ways; for example, in Sweden, the state and the municipalities are mainly responsible for social work, even though private providers exist. In Germany, due to the legally established principle of subsidiarity, the third sector has more influence, and more responsibility is given to the family. The professional development of social workers might show similarities to that of other professions, but here we will specifically examine social work. In this chapter we begin with the assumption that it takes a long time for the social worker to develop a professional role, and there is danger of deprofessionalisation where adverse preconditions for this professional role exist. The process of professionalism advances and develops through different stages (Abbott, 1988), and we will focus on this process later in the chapter. Social work as a profession serves an important function. It is also a challenging job in an interesting field, the welfare sector. The aspirations of social work are to help disadvantaged people attain a better life; to undertake preventive work on micro, meso and macro levels in order to achieve this. Social workers, alongside many other professionals, work in the public welfare sector; social work is one of many organisations within this vast field of human service organisations. Hazenfeld (1992) describes these organisations as complex organisations which have many contradictions. The organisations are supportive on the one hand and controlling on the other. Social work is a profession where the working day cannot always be predictable. Frequently, social workers are unable to plan their day one hundred percent. One urgent need might arise that could totally usurp the plan for the day. The role of social worker is also very diverse, meaning that the social worker must possess detailed knowled-

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ge of what the organisation can provide (the laws, instructions, etc.), yet alongside this retention of knowledge they must remain well-informed about the needs and wishes of citizens. This makes their position a unique one. It is not possible for social workers to be totally controlled by their managers or supervisors; this makes social workers, like other street-level bureaucrats, special (Lipsky, 1980). The need for a well-developed professional approach is therefore important and necessary. 5.2 What does professionalism in social work mean? Professionalism in social work has been a subject under discussion many times, yet what is the difference between professional and non-professional social work? Uncertainty surrounding definitions of professionalism in social work derive from unclear differentiation being made between the activities of social workers and activities carried out in different social work fields, work generally undertaken by individuals without academic or other formal qualifications. These activities are both useful and effective, often forming an important part of the welfare system; however, their existence may also challenge the position and status of social work as a profession with a demarcated and specific field of knowledge and activity. Such activities might include: – private activities undertaken within families or neighbourhoods for the well-being of friends and relatives (mostly undertaken by women); – voluntary work in social work organizations, often undertaken by individuals who lack formal social work qualifications; – social engagement of professionals within other professions, who frequently find themselves confronted with social problems (e.g. teachers in schools, policemen, clergymen); – individuals who work in self-help groups, working for both their own benefit and the benefit of people in similar situations; – individuals working in leisure time or hobby associations. These activities, which are of use to both individuals and society at large, can usefully be distinguished from “professional social work”. 5.3 Preconditions for professional social work What is a profession? Müller (2002, p. 727) defines the following preconditions required for any “profession”: «The activity must deal with the central aspects of human life, influence the individual areas of other people, and involve potential risks and the “danger of being hurt” for the target group». Müller also contends that in three aspects of life: physical

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health, relationships to others and relationships to wider society, professions are regulated by both the law and a concern for spiritual well-being (religious aspects of psychological well-being). Professions evolved over a very long time span, commencing with medical doctors, lawyers and priests. These three professions can be considered highly developed: to be active in one of these professions requires both knowledge and competence at a high level. Consequently, only those with the same degree of professional training may evaluate this professional work, the methods applied, and the outcomes. On a more practical level, Müller (ivi, p. 728) mentions the following preconditions for professionalism: – long and intensive academic education with regulations regarding admission and examination; – admittance to the profession regulated and controlled by the state; – control of professional standards not by the state, but instead by professional bodies; – independence from non-professionals regarding professional issues; – professional ethical standards controlled by professional associations, alongside legal limitations to professional practice as a business. 5.4 Social work as a profession Taking into account the above mentioned criteria for a profession, what is the level of professionalisation within social work in Germany and Sweden? 5.4.1. Education and qualification In both Germany and Sweden, parallels can be drawn between the development of social services at a local level and the development of social work education. In Germany, the systematic educating of social workers commenced in 1898, in Berlin, under the leadership of Alice Salomon (1872-1948). At that time social work education was only available to women, since this work was considered a duty which incorporated what was seen by many to be the typical female role (Otte, 1989; Hering, Münchmeier, 2000; Friesenhahn, Ehlert, 2004). Social work education was initially delivered through evening courses, yet it gained a degree of recognition when well-known scientists like Max Weber contributed to lectures. In 1908, Alice Salomon founded the first school of social work in Berlin-Schöneberg, which offered a two-year course where the systematic educating of social workers commenced. However, this once again became the exclusive preserve of women. There were significant changes to the whole organisational structure of the state immediately following World

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War I, and during the early 1920s, when the monarchy ended and Germany became a democratic republic. After intensive debates concerning the scope of social work educational responsibilities toward child care, local administrations were obliged to create departments of child care, social, and health services, in order to employ skilled individuals in these areas. Even though the legally established principle of subsidiarity influenced independently funded welfare organizations enormously, social work became intrinsically linked to the local administration in many areas. This may have contributed to men entering social work, since social work was often part of the local administration, which predominately employed men. During the time of the Nazi dictatorship, the role of social work became diminished, with it also being misused for fascist or racist purposes. After World War II, social work education followed the same two-year model that had existed previously. In 1959, social work education was extended to a four-year study programme; this included the undertaking of one year’s practical training before gaining professional accreditation. In 1971, when the former higher technical colleges were raised to the status of universities of applied sciences, social work studies became part of academic education, at a diploma of social work level. Today, many schools of social work include master’s programmes as postgraduate studies. In Sweden, social work education has been provided since the early 20th century, but initially it was combined with higher education for people working in the administrations (Ighe, Fridén, 1994). During the 1940s, the first schools of social work were established, and these expanded during the 1960s, when both the welfare state and welfare services witnessed expansion at local level. Several additional schools of social work were established in different places across the country. Due to the expansion of welfare services, there was an increasing demand for qualified social workers; this period witnessed much expansion in the social work profession when compared to other professions (ibid.). In 1964, social work education programmes gained higher status, and from 1977 they were integrated within universities. Now there are both master’s programmes and research programmes within the discipline of social work. (Gynnersted, Höjer, 2004). In summary, within both countries, well developed educational programmes exist, with a wide base of theoretical and methodological knowledge, regulations governing admittance to study, examination of professionals, and the entrance to certain professional roles in social work controlled by the state. However, the term “social work” is not protected: unlike, for example, the term “lawyer”. Other kinds of people engaged in “welfare activities”, however loosely, and without being formally trained, can call themselves social workers.

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5.4.2. Professional ethics and control of professional standards The German professional association of social workers (Deutscher Berufsverband der Sozialarbeiter und Heilpädagogen - DBSH) adopted the ethical principles of the International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW). The association also developed quality standards for social work, including proposals for self-evaluation (http://www.dbsh.de). However, due to the fact that a minority of social workers are members of DBSH, and unlike the medical or law professions, this organisation does not have the power to sanction workers, DBSH can have no official institutional power to admonish social workers or exclude them from the profession if they are not sufficiently qualified, neither can it support clients if they have not received service of sufficient quality. Similarly, Swedish professional associations, the Swedish Union of Local Government Officers (SKTF), and the National Association of Swedish Social Workers (SSR), defined ethical principals at the beginning of the 1980s (http://www.akademssr.se, http://www.sktf.se). In Sweden, social workers need approval from the Committee for the Authorisation of Social Workers. Requirements for this approval are the completion of a formal social work education (socionom), alongside some years’ experience as a social worker under supervision. This committee was initiated by the social workers’ associations (Gynnerstedt, Höjer, 2004). In summary, ethical as well as qualitative standards for social work exist in Sweden and Germany. To what extent they are relevant and effective in the practice of social work shall be discussed below. 5.4.3. Independence from and influence by other professional groups The German professional association of social workers demands professional independence from other professional groups, in that only social workers can evaluate the work and the decisions of social workers in their daily practice. However, lawyers or others possessing academic qualifications of higher status than social workers often occupy leadership positions in social work organisations, and they are responsible for the quality of work undertaken by social workers. The same situation frequently occurs in social service organisations managed by the Catholic or Protestant churches, where clergymen hold leadership positions, and decisions are based on an ideological commitment to Christian charity. This situation is common in Germany, where a considerable number of social workers are employed within these Christian welfare organisations, due to the legally established principle of subsidiarity. To improve the professional status of social workers, and in order to establish more confidential

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relations with clients, the German professional association of social workers has sought the right to refuse to be a witness and give evidence in court as it exists for clergymen, psychotherapists and lawyers. However, currently this right exists only for social workers in very specialized positions (Kühnel, 2005, p. 1034). In practice, there is a degree of co-operation with the administrators within the courts, who are aware of these problems; the social workers are indeed respected and seen as experts in their field. However, from time to time conflicts do arise, and from an official point of view social workers are not perceived as having the same level of professionalisation as lawyers or medical doctors. So, in academic discussion about professionalisation, social workers are often categorized as “semi-professionals” (Blinkert, 1976; Müller, 2002). It is important to point out that this is a theoretical categorization and it does not mean that the work of social workers is less valued. On the contrary, in discussions concerning serious social problems, politicians often stress the important role social workers play in solving social problems. In Sweden, most social workers within social welfare agencies are formally qualified. In previous years, staff providing economic assistance usually had no formal education, with only the foreman or groupleader having had a formal social work education. Now there are more formally educated social workers available, and fewer jobs are occupied by unqualified people, particularly in social welfare agencies. However, the professional arena for social workers is wide and often social workers work side by side with other professionals; for example, in residential treatment services. In organisations that have a mix of professionals, the senior staff and professional leaders are mostly educated social workers. The fact that leading positions in Swedish social services are likely to be held by social workers is important in distinguishing it from Germany. Moreover, in Sweden, social services at local level are controlled by regional governments (Länsstyrelsen), which contribute to both the setting of social work standards and the development of social work practice. In addition, a special government authority at national level (Socialstyrelsen) has some control over social services, and here, like in the regional authority, there are many qualified social workers employed (Norström, Thunved, 2006). 5.4.4. Professionalism as individual development Sometimes, when listening to social workers discussing the meaning of the word “professional”, misunderstandings can easily arise. It appears that some social workers equate professionalism with: distance, limited time

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schedules, equipment, etc. In Sweden, it seems to be implicit that to be a professional, one must be employed by the public sector, with some even taking it for granted that education in itself signifies a professional attitude. Even if the academic education of social workers could be longer and more intensive, as described by Müller (2002), this would still not be enough. Individual development of a professional attitude may follow years after the completion of an academic education, requiring a supportive and accepting attitude within social service agencies (Goodson, 2003). We believe this development is general and similar whether we study Sweden, Germany, or any other country; we also believe that this is often underestimated in most social work agencies. We also believe that professional development evolves through a series of stages (Abbott, 1988), an important prerequisite being that the organisations where social workers practice foster their professional development. We would argue that a three to four year long education is not sufficient to the development of a professional role, and therefore social workers must continue with their learning process once they are employed. In the forthcoming writing, we present a framework that outlines four stages required to reach a high level of professionalism. The stages are: a) Everyday life. This is called the “everyday life” stage because social work is about life. Most of the situations the social worker handles are about the everyday lives of individuals. They might find themselves dealing with economic problems, alcoholism, family disagreements, elderly people in need, etc. As these are common everyday experiences for many of us, it is indeed likely that social workers have experienced some degree of personal exposure to these problems. Therefore, there is a considerable risk that clients could be treated in an arbitrary way by social workers, who could base both their assessment and decisions on their private attitudes and moral beliefs. Consequently, social workers need professional training and need to be committed to professional standards. b) Professional life. When social workers meet clients they must accede to a professional level, and adopt a professional perspective. This can be likened to moving up to the attic in order to view the situation from above. This stage also provides professional tools, of which one important tool is a range of professional theories. Theories are introduced during social work education and it is important to continue developing theoretical knowledge after social workers have entered the field. Social workers have to be aware of the importance of continuing their professional education at a theoretical level. The employer also has to support employees in a systematic way that provides opportunities for ‘life-long’ learning. Another part of being a professional is to identify and articulate learning within daily work experiences. There is consi-

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derable risk that important knowledge derived from daily work activities might perish in stressful work situations. A professional social worker must be willing to develop systematic methods of reflection. We believe the employer has a responsibility to ensure this is embedded within normal work routines, since this reflection is every bit as important as staff meetings. Ethics and values are also indicators of professionalism. Steven Shardlow (1998) describes social work values and ethics as complex and hard to define in a clear way. This may be so, but it is important to define social work ethics within the particular organisations where social workers are employed, and important to identify organisational ethics and values as well as professional codes of ethics. In addition, ethics and values are defined within constitutional laws, legislation and regulations that regulate rights to social assistance. Values and goals such as empowerment, anti-oppressive practice, participation and democracy have to be implemented at a practical level. It is important for social workers to achieve these objectives; otherwise they will simply remain empty and unfulfilled ideals. Self-awareness is also an indicator of being a professional social worker. To assist people in need must be one of the most important duties within a society; this requires both a high level of humility and self-awareness. Humility is a part of values and ethics, yet it also requires an awareness of one’s own psychological and personal boundaries. The aforementioned are just some indicators of being a professional, yet alone they are not enough. The next stage is to develop a critical overview of professional activities. c) Critical. The critical stage is where social workers develop critically reflective practice: they reflect on their practice and the outcomes achieved. Is the intervention really helping the people/groups in need? What was the client’s experience of being helped? Does the intervention contribute to the client “taking a step forward“ in their development? What part of the job and methods are working well? There must be both continuous evaluation and a systematic analysis of the results (Askeland, 2006). Evaluations must be part of normal working processes; it being preferable that these are undertaken jointly by the social workers and service users. The results must be documented and disseminated to provide what Anna Metteri (2006) calls, «weak knowledge». Hidden and silent knowledge must be made visible and available to others (ibid.). This is a prerequisite for ensuring there be continued professional development within social work, and it is then possible to move to the final developmental stage. d) Developmental. In this final stage, social workers develop new methods and strengthen existing methods that are found to be working well. The development stage builds upon the findings from the other stages, and develops new methods and theories.

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5.5 The influence of social work organisations on the professionalisation process Professional development is not a process based simply upon individual will and decision; organisational structure and policy are important and powerful factors which influence the individual’s professional development as described above. Firstly, any social service organisation employing social workers must have a concept of itself as a professional organisation (Müller, 2002, p. 731). This means that the inner structure and the inner processes must be organized to promote professional social work standards as described above. The organisation leaders need to promote an atmosphere of co-operation; they must foster support between different working groups; they must support the development of professional competences, all whilst allowing critical attitudes to be voiced. There needs to be co-operation between social workers from different agencies, alongside, we would argue, links to a university or similar educational institution, to continually broaden perspectives and support social workers to review cases from different perspectives. The working environment and material equipment is also of importance. Social services are often not well-endowed in respect to material working conditions; for example, rooms and technical equipment. Both a poor working environment and poor material equipment can limit the potential for social workers to work in a professional way. A necessary condition for professional practice is the availability of a private room to speak with clients, alongside the necessary conditions to facilitate efficient time management. Finally, we would argue, the number of cases the social worker is responsible for must be limited; the workload for each social worker has to take into account expectations regarding the quality of service expected. Unfortunately, optimal and desirable work environments often do not exist. In most cases financial shortages lead to working conditions which fail to optimize professional performance. The process of decision making within organisations can include much, indeed, too much, influence from those not oriented to professional social work norms. This can result in excessive work loads, which at times prevent social workers from seeking the most suitable solutions for the client, and inadequate equipment that limits efficiency. How do these circumstances influence the process of professionalisation? The consequences can be that the process of professionalisation goes backwards. In order to cope with these limitations, social workers can find different ways of reducing cognitive dissonance which leads to deprofessionalisation. Blinkert (1976) analyzed situations in which qualified social workers felt a gap between their internalized

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professional identity and the work they undertake at the agency where they are employed. He characterized these situations as situations with a loss of plausibility for the social workers. He found that social workers coped in one of three ways: avoiding situations where there was a considerable loss of plausibility; developing innovative strategies and changing the professional norm system, often by totally adapting to non-professional, mostly bureaucratic norms; adopting a tendency to imagine omnipotence. These are described further below. 5.6 A loss of plausibility in social work and processes of deprofessionalisation 5.6.1. Avoiding situations with a loss of plausibility One way to avoid situations with a loss of plausibility is to limit the objectives to be achieved, and focus upon objectives that can be changed and are more manageable. Consequently, life conditions which are important within a case, but difficult to change, may be ignored by social workers avoiding challenges to plausibility. These may be related to juridical, organizational or material conditions. Social workers might instead simply focus more on, for example, psychological aspects of the case, and exclude the external structural factors, such as limited resources and opportunities that result in disempowerment. Some social workers avoid situations with a loss of plausibility by escaping totally from the professional social work role. For example, in Germany, a considerable number of students within the schools of social work plan from the beginning, or very shortly after initiating their studies, to continue their study at university following their examination in social work. This enables them to gain the necessary qualifications for other, mostly higher, positions. 5.6.2. Innovation This strategy attempts to change the conditions within the working environment of the individual, in ways that are compatible with their internalized professional identity. This strategy is very likely to lead to conflict, and often ends with either of the two sides terminating the working contract. But in some organisations, often in smaller units, or in organisations with little bureaucracy and hierarchy, the social worker does successfully change the working conditions and is allowed to work at a higher professional level. This is often organised on an informal basis without written agreements.

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5.6.3. Adaption to bureaucratic or other non-professional norms Using this strategy, the social workers make their own norms or theories and use professional orientations in a very selective way. Homespun theories where «The clients don’t understand what is good for them», or «each case is so unique that a social worker shouldn’t take a theoretical approach or follow general principles» become very popular. Theories they learned in their studies «perhaps were interesting, but here in practice we deal with the reality». Resistance, aggression or criticism from the clients may be regarded as an indicator that they do not have any insight into their “illness” or what they really need. Another indicator of adaption to a nonprofessional norm system is a sceptical attitude toward practitioners and young colleagues, who perhaps endeavour to remind them of important principles within professional social work. Particularly within very bureaucratic and hierarchical organisations, social workers often adapt to the bureaucratic norms. Aspects of bureaucratic routines and formal control become very important in work with the client. As a consequence, particular aspects of the individual cases are seen to be an inconvenience, and there is a strong tendency to view unequal cases as equal. Professionalism in social work is more or less given up. In an empirical study, Blinkert (1976) found that social workers without any further education were the most likely to adapt to a bureaucratic norm system, and that this tendency becomes stronger after a number of years in the profession. Social workers who undertook further education in social work feel more loss of plausibility in their work, compared to social workers without this further education; yet they show less adaption to bureaucratic norms and are more oriented to professional social work norms. This difference has been observed over a long period of professional practice. 5.6.4. Loss of professionalism through imagined omnipotence Sometimes tendencies toward de-professionalisation do not derive from a loss of plausibility, but from identifying too closely with the social work role. Social workers, sometimes those who possess a strong personal ideology, offer support for “all sorts of problems”, ignoring the limits of their competency. These social workers often exhibit a lack of necessary professional distance from their clients and their problems, and they are often unsuccessful in their work since cooperation with other experts is not a part of their working concept. Therefore, a clear definition of the area of social work, one that includes: limiting tasks, an awareness of the limits of one’s own competences, and co-operation with other experts, is an additional precondition for professional social work.

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5.7 Summary#Conclusions in the Contents# What are the conclusions to be drawn from these reflections? The education of social workers and their professional identity is normally concentrated upon individual case work, concentrated upon aspects of the relationship between social workers and their clients, and on psychologically and pedagogically oriented working methods. These are important and necessary parts of professional competence, but to avoid dissatisfaction and loss of plausibility in the profession, social workers should be better prepared to create the organisational conditions required to undertake professional work at a high level. A special experience both authors shared as teachers in the internet-programme VIRCLASS 2006-2007, a learning programme for social work students from different European countries, might be of interest here. In the beginning the students had to answer the very general question “What does it mean to be a social worker in your country?” Most students reported that social work held low status within their country – except the students from Sweden. As mentioned above, leading and powerful positions in Swedish social work organisations are often held by social workers. This is more of a trend than is the case in Germany and elsewhere, and could be one explanation for, among other reasons, the difference in status accorded. Of course, this example is not representative and could be an isolated observation, but it is interesting and could motivate research about the correlation between working conditions for social workers, relations with other professions, feelings of satisfaction with the professional role, and professionalism, both as an attitude and a level of competence. In summary, in both Sweden and Germany social work has reached a high level of professionalisation with regard to education, qualification, certification, and ethical and professional standards. But we can also see that professionalisation on an individual level is a process that requires time. The process has to be maintained by social workers themselves, as well as by the different organisations that provide social work. A critical approach by the social worker is an important prerequisite for attaining high levels of professionalism. With regard to independence from the norms of, and control by, other professional systems, social workers in Sweden possibly find themselves in a better situation than those in Germany, since they tend to hold higher positions in social work agencies. In Germany, there are strong divisions which exist between different sectors; these appear to be an impediment to social work gaining more influence. The educational system distinguishes professionally oriented courses (like social work) from what it perceives to be more scientifically oriented cour-

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ses; and the public sector maintains the old tradition of differing professional levels which restrict social workers. However, it remains to be seen whether the new form of education and examination structure initiated by the Bologna process will change the position of social work, and if so, it remains an open question in both countries as to what this will mean. Bibliography
ABBOTT A.

(1988), The System of Professions, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. ASKELAND G. A. (2006), Kritisk reflekterende – mer enn å kritisere, in “Nordisk Sosialt Arbeid”, vol. 26, 2, pp. 123-35. BLINKERT B. (1976), Berufskrisen in der Sozialarbeit, Beltz, Weinheim. CAMPANINI A., FROST L. (2004), Conclusion, in Idd. (eds.), European Social Work. Commonalities and Differences, Carocci, Roma. ESPING-ANDERSEN G. (1990), The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Polity Press, Cambridge. FRIESENHAHN G. J., EHLERT G. (2004), Germany, in Campanini, Frost (2004). GOODSON I. (2003), Professional Knowledge, Professional Lives. Studies in Education and Change, Open University Press, Maidenhead. HAZENFELD Y. (1992), The Nature of Human Service Organizations, in Y. Hazenfeld (ed.), Human Services as Complex Organisations, Sage, London. HERING S ., MÜNCHMEIER R . (2000), Geschichte der Sozialen Arbeit, Juventa, Weinheim. GYNNERSTEDT K., HÖJER S. (2004), Sweden, in Campanini, Frost (2004). IGHE A., FRIDÉN B. (1994), När menighetsbesvär skulle bli tjänstetid, Göteborgs universitet och författarna, Göteborg. KÜHNEL R. (2005), Zeugnisverweigerungsrecht, in D. Kreft, I. Mielenz (hrsg.), Wörterbuch Soziale Arbeit, Juventa, Weinheim, 5th edition. LIPSKY M. (1980), Street-level Bureaucracy; Dilemmas of the Individual in Public Services, Russel Sage Foundation, New York. METTERI A. (2006), Knowledge and Power: Maltreated Cases, paper presented at Forsa Conference in Helsinki, February 2006. MÜLLER B . (2002), Professionalisierung, in W. Thole (ed.), Grundriss Soziale Arbeit, Opladen, Leske und Budrich. NORSTRÖM C., THUNVED A. (2006), Nya sociallagarna, Norstedts Juridik, Stockholm. OTTE C. (1989), Nittio år av tysk socialarbetarutbildningi, in “Socionomen”, 4, #pp?#. SHARDLOW S. (1998), Values, Ethics and Social Work, in R. Adams, L. Dominelli, M. Payne (eds.), Social Work. Themes, Issues and Critical Debates, Macmillan, London.

Websites
http://www.dbsh.de (Accessed 17.12.2006). http://www.akademssr.se (Accessed 15.12.2006). http://www.sktf.se (Accessed 15.12.2006).

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6 “Concept Mapping” and “Reflection” in Lithuanian Social Work Education
by Vilma Zydziunaite, Egle Katiliu · ¯te · and Brigita Staniku ¯niene

6.1 Introduction Everyone involved in the provision of social work is well aware that Lithuanian practice is constantly evolving in line with the European Qualification Framework (Towards a European Qualifications Framework for Lifelong Learning, 2005). Alongside these changes in practice, there has also been a degree of change within the educational process of Lithuanian social work. It is crucial that the educational process stays in tune with the nature of social work practice and its wider environment, so that it continues to relate to both social work provision and the direction this is taking, considering what the future consequences might be for social workers and clients. Yet, knowledge can no longer be regarded as discrete and coherent, since it has now become a complex mixture of theory and practice, ideas and data. Boundaries between the intellectual world and its environment have become blurred, as hybrid science continues to combine cognitive and non-cognitive elements in novel and creative ways (Gibbons et al., 1996). The content, process and social climate are the backdrop to the learning experience, and lecturers as learners create opportunities for students as learners, providing opportunities to both explore and build important areas of knowledge and develop educational techniques (Joyce, Calhoun, Hopkins, 1999). Hence, through the selection of appropriate educational techniques, the content of social work studies can become conceptual rather than specific. Consequently, the application of action science ideas becomes a matter of urgency to modern social work education, in a European context as well as in a Lithuanian one. Theories of action science concern the individual’s personally assimilated programs of acting; these consist of a repertoire of concepts, schemas and strategies: the espoused theory being the one that an individual claims to follow. Meanwhile, theory-in-use, often made up of tacit cognitive maps, is the concrete theory an individual applies to practice (Argyris, Putnam, Smith, 1985). Reflective inquiry into theory-in-use is essential if we aspire to develop both individual competence and competencies, and to improve individual practice.

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Competence and competencies exist at that junction between the professional development of social workers and social work practice. Prevailing research about competencies has thus far endeavored to seek out the various possibilities that exist for the integration of practice, practice requirements, and the personal qualities of social workers. Alongside this, it must take into account the process of their permanent education (Zydziunaite, 2005). In the Maastricht communiqué (in Towards a European Qualifications Framework for Lifelong Learning, 2005, p. 24), it is stated that an EQF should facilitate the voluntary development of competence-based solutions at European level, enabling sectors to address the new educational and training challenges caused by the internationalization of trade and technology. Hence, a need exists for educational solutions connected to this requirement of the EQF. These educational solutions should cover knowledge, skills, and competencies: critical analysis, evaluation and synthesis, communication, learning to learn, interpersonal and civic skills, entrepreneurship and cultural expression competencies. All of these, as both personal and professional outcomes, are of crucial importance. The contemporary educational process in Europe, including both teaching and learning, tends to be oriented toward a theory of constructivism, a theory based upon the assumption that when the individual interacts with the environment that surrounds him or her, the individual constructs his or her own unique knowledge on the basis of previous experience (Glasersfeld, 1995; Lesnick, 2005). A combination of educational techniques stipulating the development of new knowledge and knowing, reflection, analysis, evaluation, researching and synthesizing, are the necessary precursors to the educating of social workers: social workers who are capable of making strategic decisions within complex environments, who can understand processes of learning and communication, who can diagnose both the limits and positive aspects relating to this realization of learning, who possess both social and professional competencies, and on the basis of the results of a diagnosis are able to assimilate these into their practice and empower themselves toward continuous professional development (Zydziunaite, 2003). Hence the research problems presented in this article relate to the following research questions: do a combination of concept maps and reflections help social work students transform their individual implicit knowing into explicit knowledge? The provision of which educational experiences are likely to bring about such transformations? How can the educational experiences of these students be effectively organized? Our research aim is to both substantiate and describe how the particular combination of concept maps and reflection, utilized as an educational tool, underpins the transformation of an individual’s (social work

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¯ E G L E K AT I L I U T E

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¯ B R I G I TA S TA N I K U N I E N E

·

student) implicit knowing into explicit knowledge; so that the acquisition of European qualifications for lifelong learning will be facilitated. The model being discussed then, might also be relevant to the issue of finding the best possible educational means to effectively assimilate European qualifications for lifelong learning. This article consists of three parts. The first part provides a theoretical background; the second part is devoted to research methodology; the third part presents the results of this research. 6.2 Background. Concept maps as an educational technique which help to extract implicit knowledge Concept mapping, as put forward by Novak and Gowin (1984), shifts the learning focus away from the rote acquisition of information, so that the acquisition of new knowledge may be facilitated (Weiss, Levison, 2000). This kind of learning is considered to be the assimilation of new information into the individual’s existing knowledge structure (Ferraro, 2000). Concepts are defined as a perceived regularity in events or objects designated by a label (Hsu, 2004 #manca in biblio#). Concepts are organized hierarchically: the most general concept being placed at the top of the map, with the more specific concepts at lower levels (Jung, 2001). Cross-links are used to indicate the relationships amongst concepts; these are a critical measure of map complexity. Examples are both labeled and connected to the related concept in the most subordinate position on the map (Ruiz-Primo, Shavelson, 1996; West et al., 2000). A map provides a visual picture that will show just some of the pathways that might be taken in order to understand the meaning of a concept, and will often be able to illustrate just what the student might be thinking (All, Havens, 1997). From the map it is also possible to get a visual sense of a student’s understanding concerning a particular object or event in the diagram (West et al., 2002). Concept mapping is widely used in scientific learning (Schmid, Telaro, 1990), instructional planning (Edmondson, 1995), and concept evaluation (Williams, 1998). Concept mapping, which includes the integration of new and related concepts, the establishing of new links or the rearrangement of existing concepts and links, can assist in bringing about meaningful learning (Heinze-Fry, Novak, 1990). Therefore, concept maps are an excellent diagnostic tool which help to identify student knowledge, and the conceptual changes which take place in his or her understanding over a period of time (Marchand et al., 2002; West et al., 2002). Concept mapping is often constructed collaboratively. Students are arranged into groups of three

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FIGURE 6.1 Example of concept map on topic ‘Structure of Lithuanian Educational system’ (fragment)

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Formal education Municipality General programmes Quality of education Non-formal education of children Legal person Educational standards School School State Exams Teacher Qualification Competence Certification Founder Government

Non-formal

General education

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Non – formal education of

Secondary

Self - education

Professional education

Higher education

Pre-school education

Higher nonuniversity education

Higher university education

Pupil

Bachelor degree

Master degree

Doctoral degree

Expert

Supervisor

Head-teacher

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to five people, in order to generate shared concept maps. Studies prove that students who collaboratively complete shared tasks tend to develop greater comprehension of the content and skills they study (Slavin, 1991; Johnson, Johnson, Holubec, 1993). Although not many studies have investigated the effects of this collaborative concept mapping, most of them have found that collaborative concept mapping can lead to effective discussions concerning these concepts and thus enhance learning (Roth, Roychoudhury, 1993, Roth, 1994) (see picture 6.1). 6.3 Reflection as an educational technique which helps to extract implicit knowledge Reflection as an educational technique has been portrayed in diverse ways. Researchers have depicted reflection as: an everyday activity which can be redefined as learning from experience (Boud, Walker, 1993; Lesnick, 2005); a continuum of technical rationality (Day, 1993); a hierarchy of levels that exist between technical capabilities and ethical and moral justifications of practice (Mezirow, 1990; Day, 1993); a process of critical dialogue (Brookfield, 1991, 1996; Johns, 1994, 1995, 1998); a process of emancipation (Fay, 1987); the integration of calculative and contemplating thinking; transformation of this thinking into learning (Roth, 1994). A consensus has been reached on this being a dynamic process which links experience to relevant knowledge (Duke, Appleton, 2000 #manca#). Nevertheless, reflection can be triggered through the feelings evoked by a particular situation (Boud, Walker, 1993) and, according to Schon (1983), may occur either “on the spot” (reflection-inaction), or after an incident (reflection-on-action). Additionally, Greenwood (1993) argues that this reflection frequently occurs before action, and Glen, Clark and Nicol (1995) highlight the creative potential of reflection to integrate past and future practice. Within educational programmes, students were usually asked to engage in reflection-onaction (McCougherty, 1991; Wong et al., 1995; Heath, 1998). Key skills required by this process include a capability to: describe the experience; identify salient features of the experience; analyze the feelings evoked by the experience; analyze the experience with respect to different sources of knowledge; analyze contextual factors that might have influenced the experience; synthesize existing knowledge with new knowledge gained from reflection; evaluate both the experience and learning progress; consider implications for future learning and practice, including planning action that may take learning forward into practice and other learning activities.

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Day (1993) describes three different levels of reflection: reflection concerned with the techniques required to reach objectives (actions), reflection on the relationship between principles and practice, and reflection that addresses ethical and political concerns. Kim (1999) expresses these levels as phases that make up critical inquiry; these consist of a descriptive phase, a reflective phase and a critical/emancipatory phase. James and Clarke (1994), Clarke, James and Kelly (1996) add a fourth domain: that of personal or deep reflection, a process of knowing both what is known and how it is known (Duke, Appleton, 2000 #manca#). 6.4 Research methodology: the research process model By combining a number of different educational techniques within the teaching of social workers (bachelor and master levels), namely individual concept mapping, group concept mapping and written reflections, the authors of this article developed a five-phase research process model. This model’s focus was centered upon the transformation of a student’s implicit individual knowing into explicit knowledge. This model was applied to the social work educational process in 2004-2005, later becoming a conceptual-methodological base for this research process. – The first phase is centered upon visualization of the individual’s implicit knowledge, by means of constructing an individual concept map. – The second phase employs the group concept, mapping as a conduit for sharing both explicit (individual) knowledge and tacit collective knowing. While constructing the group concept map, personal implicit knowledge becomes available to other members of the group and this may constitute the basis of new knowledge. – The third phase is devoted to a demonstration of collective knowledge, through application of the presentation method. The method where the critical friend’s reflection is used (Costa, Kallick, 1993; Andreu et al., 2003; Dahlgren et al., 2006) is applied during the fourth stage, and as a source of feedback from the group knowledge presentation, it supplements the third stage. – The fourth phase is called the “critical friend” reflection: the group map is presented by one group member, meanwhile the rest of the group’s participants involve themselves in the writing of a “critical friend” reflection, and consider specific questions to ask the group presenting their concept map. – The fifth phase is characterized by the individual written reflection

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method, where all the members of a group individually write down their reflections on the concept mapping process undertaken in their group-work: how did they manage the group task? This stage aspires to reveal to them their personal conscious/explicit knowledge. This five phase model is treated within the context of research, as a possible means of transforming the student’s individual tacit knowledge into explicit knowledge, through the use of concept mapping and written reflections. 6.4.1. Sample The sample was purposeful and non-probability. Total sample size = 20 research participants. All participants were studying social work at master’s level. They were chosen from one Lithuanian university. Age of participants was between 24 to 41 years. 40% of respondents had at least 3 years’ experience in social work. 83% had experience in other related areas, such as social pedagogy, theology, nursing, psychology and public health. 6.4.2. Research methods Data collection: individual concept maps and group concept maps; written reflections (based on five-phase research process model, see Table 6.1).
TABLE

6.1 The research process model: the possible combinations of concept maps and reflections as educational techniques for transforming the individual implicit knowledge of students into explicit knowledge.
1st phase: The construction of individual con- 1st phase: Individual visualization of implicit cept maps. knowing (orientation towards the self). 2nd phase: The construction of group concept 2nd phase: Sharing explicit personal knowledge maps. and collective demonstrating of tacit knowledge. 3rd phase: The presentation of group concept 3rd phase: Articulating implicit collective knowmaps. ing (orientation towards others). 4th phase: The reflection of “critical friends”: 4th phase: Articulating implicit knowing (orienamong groups4th phase: The reflection of “crit- tation towards others). ical friends”: among groups. 5th phase: The individual written reflections 5th phase: Articulating individual explicit on the group concept mapping process (inside knowing (orientation towards self). of every group).

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Data analysis: descriptive content analysis (analysis of written reflections and concept maps). As Cohen and Manion state (2003, p. 169),
Most educational research methods are descriptive; that is, they set out to describe and to interpret what is. […] descriptive research is concerned with how what is or what exists is related to some preceding event that has influenced or affected a present condition or event […]. They look at individuals, groups, institutions, methods and materials in order to describe, compare, contrast, classify, analyze and interpret the entities and events that constitute their various fields of enquiry.

For the descriptive content analysis of written reflections (data analysis), four stages were used according to Cohen and Manion (2003, p. 30): – description (what am I doing?); – information (what does it mean?); – confrontation (how did I come to be like this?); – reconstruction (how might I do things differently?). 6.4.3. Research results We present in this section details of the process of transforming students’ individual implicit knowing into explicit knowledge within an educational context, through the analysis of four cases, i.e. the establishment process of concept maps in all work-group work with five students per group. The results are presented in a descriptive way, noting key points on individual and group concept maps. Passing from the first to the second phase of the model (from individual concept maps to group concept mapping), the group map has integrated not only the aspects of policy implementation that bring definition to individual concept maps, but also incorporates newly generated aspects. – The individual concept maps revealed different aspects of implementing educational policy, e.g. some emphasized the implementation of policy through the activities of different institutions, while others perceived education policy implementation as the achievement of goals which accord with the developed strategy. – The group concept maps integrated both approaches, e.g. the strategically managed chain of education policy implementation and the institutional chain (parliament, government, ministry of education and science, regions, municipalities and educational institutions).

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TABLE

6.2 Phases 1 and 2 of the research process model and Stage 1 of the descriptive content analysis
Phases of the research process model (see Picture2)
PHASE 1

Contents of the research process phases 1 and 2

Stage of descriptive Content of descriptive content content analysis of analysis of concept maps concept maps (according to Smyth) (according to Smyth)
STAGE 1 DESCRIPTION

CONSTRUCTION OF INDIVIDUAL CONCEPT MAPS (concept

– ‘implementation of education policy’).
PHASE

2

CONSTRUCTION OF GROUP CONCEPT MAPS (total - 4 groups, each one consisted of 5 social work students).

(what am I doing?): description and interpretation of the existing situation; identification, and attempts to make sense of the current situation.

The group concept map was presented by a single group member; meanwhile the rest of the group’s participants were involved with writing the reflections of a “critical friend” and considering the following questions: Are these ideas presented clearly? Are the links between these ideas definite and valid? Is the argument forceful enough? Did the presentation evoke ideas for further discussions? What aspects, if any, were missed? Did the individual making the presentation possess adequate communication and collaboration skills? What did he or she lack in their presentational skills? Which other aspects would you consider important in the development of the presenter’s skills? The presenter of the group concept map gained the opportunity to increase his or her own knowledge, making this collective knowing explicit and receiving feedback from his or her group colleagues (the reflection of “critical friends”) regarding his or her skills of presentation. The content analysis of “critical friend” reflections revealed positive and negative remarks. – Positive remarks, e.g. ideas were presented clearly and reasonably (“the ideas presented clearly, named the links and validated them”), links were defined. – Negative remarks, e.g. the lack of an argument, no emphasis upon the main aspects within the speech; slow enunciation of thoughts (“more rapid delivery would be appreciated”). This phase involved all the research participants. They had to reflect upon constructing the group concept maps according to the guidelines (consisting of questions) on written reflection: How did communication

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take place in relation to constructing the group concept map? Were there any conflicts? Why and how did you manage this? In what ways did this sharing of experience and ideas take place among group members? What roles emerged within the group? What competence/competencies did you find insufficient in group members? What personal role did you perform, and what competencies have you employed? What have you learned from this group activity? What reactions or emotions accompanied your group’s activities? What was the psychological climate? What would you change and why?
TABLE

6.3 Phases 3 and 4 of the research process model and Stage 2 and 3 of descriptive content analysis
Phases of the research process model (Picture 2)
PHASE

Contents of the research process phases 3 and 4

Stage of descriptive Content of descriptive content analysis content analysis of concept maps of concept maps (according to Smyth) (according to Smyth)
STAGE 2 INFORMATION

3

The presentation of group concept maps (the articulation of implicit collective knowing - orientation towards others). The reflection of the ‘critical friend’ (the articulation of implicit knowing - orientation towards others).

(what does it mean?): analysis of the reasons which made the existing situation what it is– the causes and purposes of a situation and its evaluation.

PHASE 4

STAGE 3

CONFRONTATION (how did I come to be like this?): critique here serves to reveal to individuals and groups how their views and practices might be ideological distortions that, in their effects, are perpetuating a social order or situation that works against their democratic freedoms, interests and empowerment.

Having undertaken the descriptive content analysis of critical reflections, the following concluding statements were established: – while constructing the group concept map, communication among the participants was fluent, different opinions were listened to; – there were no conflicts within the group, but opinions differed a great deal; – the sharing of experience and knowledge based upon argument took place in the groups; – only in a single group did a leader emerge who took more responsibility and strived to encourage group members to work actively. There

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were no clear group roles set; the roles were transitive in the course of group work; – the majority of group members considered themselves to be active participants; – while working in groups, the participants most frequently used these competencies: communication, group work, using their judgment, writing. They learned to evaluate the competencies of both themselves and others; – positive emotions and a positive psychological climate prevailed in the group work; – external factors did not have any influence upon group work.
TABLE

6.4 Phase 5 of the research process model and Stage 4 of the descriptive content analysis
Phases of the research process model (Picture 2)
PHASE

Contents of the research process phases 5

Stage of descriptive content analysis of concept maps (according to Smyth)
STAGE 4

Content of descriptive content analysis of concept maps (according to Smyth)

5

The reflection of group concept mapping (the articulation of explicit knowing - orientation towards the self).

RECONSTRUCTION (how might I do things differently?): an agenda for altering the situation and an evaluation of the achievement of the situation in practice.

6.5 Conclusions The combination of concept maps and written reflections in the social work educational process creates the process whereby the student’s individual implicit knowing is transformed into explicit visible knowledge, and students do not therefore experience psychological discomfort within such an educational process. Application of the presented model stipulates that students strive to both develop their knowledge and empower themselves so that they may be motivated in their study: students discover during this process that the value of individual work undertaken without any consultation or discussion with others is not of better quality for it. Quality can be improved upon by combining forces with others and making collective decisions; this will also facilitate the acquisition of European qualifications for lifelong learning. This then is why it is of crucial importance that we learn to use such educational techniques before initiating social work practice, i.e. during the study process, start-

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ing in bachelor level studies, especially in the study of subjects related to the social work profession. Implementation of the developed model revealed that students in the study process are capable of broadening their knowledge without the use of extra resources, i.e. “using” only their current knowledge and understanding: a) By establishing their individual concept maps, students expressed their personal knowing and understanding. b) By presenting individual maps and being a “critical friend” to other students, every one of them had unearthed and examined their knowing, and again this was of a new quality. Extended personal understanding and knowledge and group knowing also expanded as a product of the explicit new knowledge being developed here. c) By creating the group maps, every student extended their personal knowing and understanding more than once, whilst group knowing expanded several times and has been transformed into knowledge of a superior quality. The application of the five-phase model is the basis upon which students are enabled to undertake social work practice after they accomplish their studies and become qualified professionals: professionals who would then be capable of working in both a Lithuanian and European context. Students have already experienced what it means to work as part of a group or team, how to deal with complicated situations through negotiation, how to deal with processes of change collectively, how to generate ideas for the development of various projects, etc. In other words, this combining of concept maps and written reflection enables social work students to see their learning in context, and also draws their attention to the context within the learning process, i.e. students within the educational process see and perceive “the self” in an active context also: the use and uses of self. In the educating of social workers, reflection is of crucial importance; and because of the necessary situatedness of the self, evaluation related to context and specific location becomes a problematic issue, for example where the social worker should solve these problems outside their known situation and location, and reach decisions in regional, national and international contexts. Thus a combination of the aforementioned educational techniques empowers social work students to empower themselves, so that they are capable of working not only in a Lithuanian, but in a European context also. The realization of this blending of educational techniques, techniques such as concept maps and reflections, should allow students to both interpret the different contexts, and learn to make different prognoses within them.

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7 Professional Postgraduate Studies in Social Work: The Finnish Example and European Challenges
by Riitta Vornanen, Maritta Törrönen, Sanna Lähteinen and Anneli Pohjola
7.1 Introduction The Bologna Process is currently being implemented throughout Europe and involves a wide revision of university degrees, the aim of which is to form a joint European higher education area by the year 2010. This revision is intended to improve the comparability of degrees from different countries and increase the international mobility of students. The content of degrees has been changed so that they better represent developments in research and in working life (Prague Communiqué, 2001). In Finland, the new statute of university degrees (Government Decree on University Degrees 794, 2004) came into force in August 2005. According to the statute, university studies must comprise three cycles: the first being the bachelor’s degree, followed by the masters’ degree during the second cycle, with postgraduate studies making up the third cycle. Prior to 2005, university studies in Finland (social work included) consisted of master’s degrees, which were taken without having first obtained a bachelor’s degree. Although Finnish university degrees have been revised in recent years, having been brought more into line with those in Europe, the Finnish system has retained its own particular characteristics with regard to structure and content. The Bologna Process has principally been concerned with bachelor’s and master’s degrees, thus less attention has been paid to postgraduate degrees. This article examines the Finnish professional postgraduate degree for social workers within a European framework. The professional postgraduate degree is a new form of study, developed at the end of the 1990s, and one which has rapidly become an established course of studies for the professional specialisation of social workers at postgraduate level. Hence, the special characteristics of the Finnish education system will be specifically presented from the point of view of social work education, and the professional postgraduate degree in social work. The programme of studies concerning specialised areas of social work with

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children and young people are presented as an example of the Finnish professional postgraduate degree. A place for such professional postgraduate studies within the arena of European higher education will be considered in the conclusion. 7.2 The particular characteristics and structure of Finnish social work education Social work education is comprised of both the bachelor’s and master’s degrees in Finland. Although the various universities place different emphasis on the core content of the curricula, it can be said that studies in social work show a great deal of conformity at national level. In order to gain qualified social worker status, students are required to complete advanced studies in social work, part of which involves the writing of a master’s thesis. Working as a qualified social worker will require a master’s degree in social work. Compared with the rest of Europe, Finnish social work studies might be considered long (five to six years), and the standard of this education high. As a result of this, specialised professional studies are at postgraduate level (third cycle). In Finland, the system of tertiary education consists of two parallel sectors: universities and polytechnics. The task areas of these two sectors are clearly differentiated, and each has its own profile and strengths. The basis of university studies is the connection between research and instruction, so their basic task is to undertake scientific research, using the best of this for education. In general, polytechnics are multi-field or regional institutions of higher education, whose activities focus on the practical connection with working life and regional development. The degrees undertaken in polytechnics do not entitle students to the qualified status of a social worker. Picture 7.1 shows the main characteristics of the Finnish education system as applied to degrees and professional qualifications in the social field (see e.g., OECD, 2005; Ahola, Kivinen, Kokko, 1999). Over the last decade, the field of social welfare has developed a coherent system of education in which practical nurses, social instructors (pedagogues) and social workers have their own educational profile and place within the structure of working life (see Borgman et al., 2005; Hämäläinen, Niemelä, Vornanen, 2005). In Finland, qualified social worker status is regulated by the Act on Qualification Requirements for Social Welfare Professionals (272, 2005). In order to gain qualified status as a social worker, a student must have successfully completed a university master’s degree, majoring in social work. The same act defines the

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qualification requirements for social instructors as a suitable polytechnic degree in social services and health care, within an overall package of studies in social welfare. The qualification requirement for the post of a practical nurse for social care is a suitable initial vocational qualification in social services and health care. This parallel model is repeated at postgraduate level (third cycle). The profile of social work education is that of university studies in social sciences, which in addition to providing students with professional-practical know-how and qualified social worker status, also develops academic abilities and research skills, and provides a firm grounding in social sciences. Central to the curriculum is an understanding of society, combined with scientific, theoretic and critical thinking (Pohjola, 2005). Hence, it has been argued that the Finnish social work education system represents the integrated research
7.1 The Finnish education system in the social field
UNIVERSITIES POLYTECHNICS

PICTURE

Doctor of Social Sciences Specialised social workers Licentiate of Social Sciences

Tertiary education

Licentiate of Social Sciences

Social workers Master of Social Sciences (2 years)

Master of Social Services (1-1,5 years)

Bachelor of Social Sciences (3 years)

Social instructors Bachelor of Social Services (3,5 years)

Secondary education

Upper Secondary Schools

Practical nurses Vocational Schools

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model (Juliusdottir, Pettersson, 2004), where research has been integrated within the education programmes. Social work education looks to the standards of other university educational programmes, using them as an important indicator of quality. During the Bologna Process and the work on the social work curriculum, it was again realised that fitting the wide basis of know-how and skills required in social work into a master’s degree presented a challenge. Social workers must be able to deal with a wide spectrum of societal problems; therefore, studies consist of both the diverse knowledge basis and skills required for work, alongside knowledge of the societal mechanisms of social problems. In order to facilitate social work’s fundamental task of change, the work places emphasis on diverse skills and research know-how. Because of the extent of the challenges faced, master’s level studies are mainly able to generate only the basic abilities needed in social work. These skills must later be developed in order to be able to deal with the diverse professional issues that are an integral part of the social worker’s working life and profession. For this reason, social work education emphasises the principles of reflective learning and lifelong learning associated with adult education (Ministry of Education, 2005). Social work education has always been required to provide a balance between general and specialised skills. Conceptually, this is referred to as a differentiation between general social work and specialised social work (e.g. Heinonen, Spearman, 2001). In the Finnish study system this has been resolved by offering both bachelor’s and master’s degrees which consist of university study geared towards general social work. Those wishing to specialise can then continue to the professional postgraduate degree in social work. Finnish experiences have proved there is great demand for professional specialisation at postgraduate level. Students gain the possibility of study at postgraduate level by either taking a licentiate, and/or a doctoral degree. In Finland the licentiateship is an optional pre-doctoral postgraduate degree which follows the master’s degree; after this it is possible to continue to doctoral degree (see e.g. Dill et al., 2006). The Finnish degree system differs from that of other European countries. In this educational context, the licentiate degree does not refer to a licensed social worker (Government Decree on University Degrees 794, 2004). Although the licentiate degree is a Finnish speciality within the European degree system, it was retained in the new statute of university degrees. It has taken on the role of a postgraduate degree, which leads to a specialised professional qualification. This course, which can be taken after a master’s degree, is a professionally-oriented postgraduate degree that emphasises the academic nature

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of the profession of social work. Along with specialised professional studies, research also plays an important role within this degree (see Hörkkö, Pohjola, 1999). Social work is not the only field that offers such specialised professional licentiate studies. Other fields include, for example, psychology and speech therapy. The aim of the professional postgraduate degree is for students to acquire a deep level of familiarity within their specialised area. A systematic deepening of the theoretical and practical understanding of the specialised area comes as part of the degree, along with a licentiate thesis and supervised work practice within the chosen field (Government Decree on University Degrees 794, 2004). 7.3 The professional postgraduate degree in social work Planning of this specialised course commenced at the beginning of the 1990s, and specialised studies in social work commenced in 2000. This was based upon a proposal for a specialised professional licentiate degree in social work by Anneli Pohjola, executor to the Ministry of Education (Pohjola, 1998). The main aim of the course is to guarantee a generation specialised skills, based on research, in the form of diverse professional and academic postgraduate studies. Primarily, these studies are directed at improving professional ability, intended to strengthen the scientific basis of professional practice and promote its aims-related research; the objectives being to strengthen the students’ professional identity, increase their professional skills, and help them to develop an ability to examine their own work analytically. The starting point of this specialised study for social workers is to develop the knowledge basis of social work by using practically oriented research, in order to explicate tacit and practical knowledge. However, this does not mean that knowledge generated through practise is in any way better or superior to technical-rational knowledge or formal knowledge (see Floersch, 2004; Munro, 2002). This is a question of the relationship between knowledge and expertise, which can be examined and improved through training. Eileen Munro (2002, pp. 8-27) has divided social work into differing fields of: formal knowledge as theory; concepts; research; legislation; welfare policy; tacit and practical knowledge; ethical principles and values; and the skills required for decision-making. In order to attain these, various issues must be considered in the planning and realisation of specialised studies. These issues are: – the needs and aims of this education, as well as areas of core competences and their requirements (see Cox, 1995; Payne, 2003);

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– financial and personnel resources and the context in which the education will be realised (e.g. universities, working life); – entry requirements, alongside earlier qualifications and skills of successful candidates; – the syllabus (curriculum), concepts of learning and pedagogical solutions. The structure of the professional postgraduate degree in social work has been affected by the requirements of social work practice and its role within society (see Payne, 2003). The international phenomena social work faces are connected namely to: poverty; population growth and its divisions; ecological issues and their connection with mobility; conflicts and war; as well as immigration and exile (see Cox, 1995, pp. 284-6; Lyons, 2006). Within the European Union, there has been a desire to concentrate on the prevention of social exclusion (see Conroy, 2005; Official Journal, 2002 #manca in biblio#), linked to increasing children’s welfare in particular, for example, preventing the sexual abuse of children (e.g. Jones, 2003; Joint action, 2005). The central tenets of professional postgraduate studies include: issues related to general and specialised know-how and professionalism; core skills areas; the relation between theory and practice; and supporting skills which relate to the making of pedagogical decisions. The programme combines specialist field and research method studies, which support the development of a practitioner research approach to work. In addition to taking these studies, the students must also undertake licentiate research; therefore the programme provides both wide content specialisation and the skills necessary for the doing of research. From the initial year, the licentiate thesis is linked to contact teaching and assignments. Supervision in groups takes place in the second year, and thus is centrally linked to both the other courses and the students’ own work. Each year the studies are divided into four periods of contact teaching and the distance tasks that go with these. In addition to this face-toface teaching, students also undertake virtual learning and distance guidance, alongside personal guidance in research and study (personal curricula and licentiate theses). Instead of the traditional form of examination (based on reading material and a written examination), the studies are structured to support both individual and group learning. Tasks take the form of broad essays, which require reading and the giving of feedback. The assignments are structured to support the growth of expertise in the specialist field, the social worker’s professional identity, and the investigative development of social work. The professional postgraduate degree is a 120-ECTS-credit degree,

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which it is possible to complete within a four-year period, whilst still in full-time employment. The degree consists of studies in a specialised field, research methodology studies, optional choices, and a licentiate thesis. Each student must draft a personal curriculum. These studies develop students’ basic professional and academic skills, both by going into their specialised field in more detail and by generating better research skills. The aim is to train specialised social workers who are able to take a research-oriented approach which endeavours to develop both their specialised field and the wider field of social work methods and operations. Through this, the objective is to improve both the expertise and significance social work offers society. Entrance to the professional postgraduate degree requires a master’s degree at university level, alongside qualified social worker status. In addition, candidates must have at least two years’ work experience in social work. In accordance with the regulating statutes, specialised studies are carried out within four different areas of specialisation in social work: – social work with children and young people; – empowering social work; – social work in the field of marginalisation; – community social work. A fifth programme, specialisation in welfare services, will be launched for the first time in the year 2008. Twenty-five students are chosen once every four years to enter each of the specialised areas. To date, 175 students have started, with the first ones having already graduated. Students have an active part in the planning, realisation and evaluation of the studies. Students have the chance to be representatives in the programme steering group, bringing up matters they feel are important during the contact teaching periods and at the course forum, which consists of democratic meetings also attended by the teachers. In addition, students take part in the instruction through giving presentations on their research and specialised know-how. The Finnish National University Network for Social Work (SOSNET), a joint institute for social work encompassing all six of the Finnish universities providing social work education, is responsible for organising these course studies, which are funded by the Finnish Ministry of Education. A board of professors from the universities of social work guide the professional postgraduate degree, with each specialised field having its own sub-groups to coordinate the delivery and the evaluation of the programmes.

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7.4 A new kind of knowledge production in social work The pedagogical style of the courses outlined above is based on the concept of constructive learning, according to which the students are seen as active participants in both the acquisition and generating of knowledge (e.g. Bereiter, Scardamalia, 1993; Tynjälä, 1999). Recognition of this is the essential basis for the support of adult learning, because each student already possesses a great deal of expertise and experience, and since they study whilst in employment they are required to take responsibility for the progress of their own learning. This is especially suited to professional academic postgraduate studies, in which research and writing are central tools in both specialisation and the construction of expertise. “Discovery learning” is based on the cognitive view of learning, but its distinctive characteristic is the conceptual problem solving related to knowledge and understanding, as opposed to the mere handling of content (Nevgi, Lindblom-Ylänne, 2003, p. 111). Therefore, specialising social workers are required to consider both previous and new knowledge and skills as objects of critical examination and investigation more consciously than in other pedagogical styles. The studies take into account each student’s background: their education and work experience, amongst other experiences. David Saltiel (2003, p. 106) examined a programme of specialised studies in child welfare in England (the Post Qualifying Child Care Programme), and found that experienced and practical expert workers were not able to benefit enough from what they had learned through work experience. Another important observation was made regarding the understanding of theory as something abstract and separate from practice, this being the reason workers didn’t feel able to make use of social work theory in their own work. According to Saltiel, reflection upon what has been previously learned and on practise-based knowledge is of more relevance in specialised studies than the teaching of academic knowledge per se. The Finnish professional postgraduate programme takes this form of knowledge into account. If earlier it was felt learning occurred only with the aid of theoretic knowledge (learning-based practice), nowadays it is felt that in social work theoretical knowledge can also be generated through practice (practice-based learning). This new type of concept in knowledge formation makes it possible to assimilate learning through practice and experience (see Kolb, 1984; Schön, 1983). Such thinking has had an impact on the practical teaching of social work and has brought with it new forms of university studies, the professional licentiateship in social work being a case in point. In addition to multiple orientations to

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knowledge production, social work wishes to achieve a new form of evidence-based practice: a practice in which both intervention methods and the choices of potential outcomes are based on results that have been scientifically proven. This idea is grounded within the professional licentiate course as the development of research-based professional practice, for which research ability and an investigative approach to work are of great importance. Without both conscious reflection and an investigative relationship with the work, knowledge about professional practice can remain too superficial. Combined with comprehensive studies of research methods, supervision and the licentiate thesis, the specialised areas of study also consist of critical thinking and academic writing, in which the student’s own practical experiences are brought to light and used as a subject for reflection. Emphasis is also placed on reflecting upon social work, by writing for publication (Mutka, 1998, p. 182; see also Tynjälä, Mason, Lonka, 2001). This way, social work issues have a chance of reaching decision-making level, and also get the chance to effect policy-making decisions within wider society. Practitioner research of the profession enables the integration of knowledge and social work practice; this helps any analysis of the changing social requirements of the social work ‘expert’, whilst addressing gaps and changes within the knowledge base. By so doing, this programme provides opportunities to develop new models of social work, whilst reinforcing professional and research skills with know-how. Carl Bereiter and Marlene Scardamalia (1987) have studied academic writing and specify knowledge transforming writing as a typical form of practice for ‘experts’. Writing develops both the writer’s knowledge and cognitive ability; it enables an improvement of expertise, whilst combining theory with practice (see Tynjälä, Mason, Kirsti, 2001). The social workers admitted to the programme write a great deal over the four-year period: essays and other written assignments in which they must analyse client work and make use of current research. One professional postgraduate thesis (Möller, 2005a, 2005b), carried out in close collaboration with social workers in child welfare, developed an initial evaluation model and guide for this, and evaluated the development of the model through active research (see also Clifford et al., 2002, for an equivalent example from England). In the promotion of learning and expertise, it is important not to reinforce the dualism of learning too much by overemphasis upon practical experience and theoretic learning (Griffiths, 2003, p. 1). Reinforcing a false duality can take place consciously by dividing forms of learning into those that support practical professionalism or those that support theoretic or investigative thinking. This gulf can also be widened unintentionally through unconscious and

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unconsidered ideas on the differences between theory and practice, reflected often in “every-day” language, if these ideas are not dealt with and expanded upon during the learning process. The supervision in groups that takes place during the course has proven to be a significant channel for expanding this type of idea. Group supervision within the professional postgraduate degree has provided students with a forum from which to reflect upon professional practice knowledge in a group situation: an environment that consists of dialogue, trust, empathy, and respect for the work of others. Students feel that this work supervision supports their studies, develops professionalism and specialisation, deepens their understanding of social work and the environments in which it takes place, and helps them to cope better with their work. It has helped them to understand more clearly the relationship between theory and practice, something which also promotes the doing of research. Such supervision consists of identifying, distancing and diversifying the students’ own points of view, building a connection to the core principles of social work. Peer learning is an important dimension of the programme, through which students can also benefit from the knowledge of others’ experiences and tacit knowledge. This allows students to learn both by comparing experiences and learning from each other’s local practices. The feedback from students has shown that the benefits of this have been significant. The students also gain the opportunity to build a national network of experts with their peers which supports practical work and practice-based research. According to the concept of constructive learning, the teachers’ task is not merely to ‘pour knowledge into the students’ heads’, but rather to discuss knowledge and exchange experience in an Aristotelian manner. Teachers may bring their own knowledge to the students’ attention and participate critically in the discussion. Critical discussion is useful for unravelling truisms and confronting assumptions, also highly beneficial for the doing of research. 7.5 The European picture. An example Other European countries also offer specialised studies in social work, in other forms and of various durations. For example, the United Kingdom offers specialised studies in social work with children and young people. The Post Qualifying Child Care Award is one of several initiatives launched in the late 1990s by the current British government during its first term of office, intended to improve radically the quality of social care

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provision. Courses leading to this award are now being delivered at a number of British universities, and by a consortium of academic institutions and social care agencies in the statutory and voluntary sectors. (Saltiel, 2003, pp. 105-6.) In addition to child welfare, the United Kingdom also offers specialised studies in social work and mental health care, as well as programmes in practical teaching and service guidance (General Social Care Council, 2006 #manca in biblio#). The solutions for organising post-qualifying and postgraduate education are different throughout Europe. Despite globalisation and European unification, the operational environment of social work remains relatively national; for example, from the point of view of legislation and service systems. The impact of this is that social work education must also take local and cultural needs into consideration. Kathleen Tunney (2002, p. 443) states that in order to develop teaching skills within a distinct culture or environment, themes from literature or from the teacher’s distinct experience must be taken into account. However, considering the growing demand for a new kind of practice-based knowledge production and evidencebased social work, it is crucial to ensure that social workers have sufficient opportunities to undertake both a continuing and postgraduate education. It is our mutual challenge in Europe to create a functional connection between research and practice (see Griffiths, 2003). In the future, we also need more consideration of how postgraduate and specialised studies are organised within a European collaboration. 7.6 Conclusions In Finland, specialised courses for social workers involve undertaking a professionally weighted postgraduate degree, taken on completion of the master’s degree. The level of these studies reflects Finland’s generally high level of education, applied also to social work. Professional licentiate studies reflect a particular theme within educational policy, in which a specialising degree (in this case a social work degree) is established alongside academic and traditional postgraduate studies. The aims of the professional postgraduate degree approximate those of professional doctorates in many other countries (see e.g. Dill et al., 2006, pp. 69-70; Orme, 2003). Professional postgraduate studies are valued both from a professional point of view and as a constructive postgraduate degree that exists along with doctoral studies, in forming a central part of the knowledge basis of social work. One particular feature of Finnish social work education is the emphasis upon a wide knowledge of society and emphasis on research ability, even though the

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majority of qualifying social workers go on to work with clients (Kemppainen, 2005). Through predictive projects concerning skills, labour force and educational needs, it has become apparent that the greatest educational need is to increase specialist skills in various fields. This reinforces the need for specialist courses at postgraduate level. At present, because these specialised studies have been running for only six years in Finland, there is insufficient information as to what actual impact they have had on professional and research practices in social work. In the future, detailed analysis must be undertaken to ascertain how the skills generated through these studies have been incorporated into the provision of services, examining how they effect the situation of workers, using a variety of indicators which include career enhancement and advancement, and looking at how undertaking such specialisation reinforces and extends the knowledge and research basis of social work. Although there is currently no long-term evaluation of this new professional postgraduate degree, the few years since 2000 have implied that there really is a need for this new kind of education. The core competences addressed through these courses relate to a new combination of practice and research. Professional postgraduate students combine work and study. In practice, this means that the topics of research are closely connected to both social work practice and their own work. Methodological studies, supervision, and transformative writing are useful tools to support both critical research and the building of a knowledge base which can be utilized in social work. This is by no means an easy task, and there are many challenges in developing new pedagogical solutions that support adult learning whilst working full-time in a demanding job such as social work. During the next few years this new professional postgraduate education will be evaluated in Finland, and students’ feedback will be an essential part of the evaluation. Bibliography
AHOLA S., KIVINEN O., KOKKO A.

(1999), PhD Training in Finland: Problems and Prospects, in O. Kivinen, S. Ahola, P. Kaipainen (eds.), Towards the European Model of Postgraduate Training, Research Unit for the Sociology of Education (RUSE), Research Report 50, pp. 51-82. BEREITER C., SCARDAMALIA M. (1987), The Psychology of Written Composition, Erlbaum, Hillsdale. IDD. (1993), Surpassing Ourselves: An Inquiry into the Nature of Expertise, Open Court, Chicago. BORGMAN M. et al. (2005), Sosiaalialan osaamis-, työvoima- ja koulutustarpeiden ennakointihanke. Väliraportti. Sosiaali- ja terveysministeriön monisteita, 12,

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Helsinki, s. #pp.?# 115-21 [Foresight Project on the Demand for Skills, Labour Force and Education in Social Services. Progress report. Stencils of the Ministry of Social Affairs and Health 2005, 12, Helsinki], http://www.stm.fi/ Resource.phx/publishing/store/2005/12/hl1134976243673/passthru.pdf (Accessed 28-2-2006). CLIFFORD D. et al. (2002), Combining Key Elements in Training and Research: Developing Social Work Assessment Theory and Practice in Partnership, in “Social Work Education”, 21, 1, pp. 105-16. CONROY P . (2005), Social Exclusion, Social Inclusion. The Poverty of Policy, http://www.democraticdialogue.org/report2/report2d.htm (Accessed 08.06.2005). COX D. (1995), Social Work Education: State of the Art, in “Scandinavian Journal of Social Welfare”, 4, 4, pp. 280-9. DILL D. et al. (2006), PhD Training and the Knowledge-Based Society. An Evaluation of Doctoral Education in Finland, http://www.kka.fi/pdf/julkaisut/ KKA_106.pdf (Accessed 12.06.2006). FLOERSCH J. (2004), A Method for Investigating Practitioner Use of Theory in Practice, in “Qualitative Social Work”, 3, 2, pp. 161-77. GRIFFITHS T. (2003), Learning and Work: Issues for Vocational and Lifelong Education Research, in “European Educational Research Journal”, 2, 1, pp. 1-5. HÄMÄLÄINEN J., NIEMELÄ P., VORNANEN R. (2005), Social Professions in Finland, in F. Hamburger et al.(eds.), Ausbildung für soziale Berufe in Europa, Band 3, ISSPontifex, Frankfurt am Main, pp. 16-39. HEINONEN T., SPEARMAN L. (2001), Social Work Practice: Problem Solving and Beyond, Irwin Publishing, Toronto. HÖRKKÖ S., POHJOLA A. (1999), Sosiaalityön koulutus uudistuu, in “Sosiaaliturva”, 87, 22, pp. 10-2. Joint action to combat trafficking in human beings and sexual exploitation of children (2005), http://europa.eu/scadplus/leg/en/lvb/l33072.htm JONES V. (2003), International Initiatives to Protect Children from Sexual Exploitation and Abuse, Concept Paper for the Fifth European Union Human Rights Forum (Rome, 10-11 December 2003). JULIUSDOTTIR S., PETTERSSON J. (2004), Nordic Standards Revisited, in “Social Work Education”, 23, 5, pp. 567-79. KEMPPAINEN T. (2005), Sosiaalityön koulutus ja työelämävastaavuus, in Borgman, et al. (2005). KOLB D. (1984), Experimental Learning. Experience as the Source of Learning and Development, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs. LYONS K. (2006), Globalization and Social Work: International and Local Implications, in “British Journal of Social Work”, 36, pp. 365-80. MINISTRY OF EDUCATION (2005), Elinikäinen oppiminen yliopistoissa – työryhmän muistio. Opetusministeriön työryhmämuistioita ja selvityksiä, 38, Helsinki [Report of the Committee on Lifelong Learning in Universities, reports of the Ministry of Education], http://www.minedu.fi/ export/

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sites/default/OPM/Julkaisut/2005/liitteet/opm_267_tr38.pdf?lang=fi (Accessed 12.06.2006). MÖLLER S . (2005a), Arviosta sanoisin. Tutkimus lastensuojelun asiakkuuden alkuvaiheeseen liittyvän arvioinnin mallintamisesta, Tutkimuksia 1/2005, Jyväskylä, Pesäpuu. ID. (2005b). Socialarbetare och klienter utvecklar barnskyddsarbetet tillsammans, in S. Ljunggren (ed.), Empiri, Evidens, Empati. Nordiska röster om kunskapsutveckling i socialt arbete. Nord 2005:5, Nordiska ministerrådet och Nopus, Copenhagen, pp. 84-97. MUNRO E. (2002), Effective Child Protection, Sage, London. MUTKA U. (1998), Sosiaalityön neljäs käänne. Asiantuntijuuden mahdollisuudet vahvan hyvinvointivaltion jälkeen, SoPhi, Jyväskylä. NEVGI A., LINDBLOM-YLÄNNE S. (2003), Oppimisnäkemykset antavat perustan opetukselle, in S. Lindblom-Ylänne, A. Nevgi (eds.), Yliopisto- ja korkeakouluopettajan käsikirja, WSOY, Porvoo, pp. 82-115. OECD (2005), Thematic Review of Tertiary Education. Country Background Report for Finland, Helsinki, Ministry of Education, http://www.minedu.fi/ julkaisut/koulutus/2005/opm38/opm38.pdf (Accessed 28.02.2006). ORME J. (2003), Why Does Social Work Need Doctors?, in “Social Work Education”, 22, 6, pp. 541-53. PAYNE M. (2003), The Role of Social Work, Discussion document compiled by Prof. Malcolm Payne on behalf of the British Association of Social Workers.IFSW (Europe), http://www.sostl.fi/site/Emedia/index.cfm?pageID=1241 (Accessed 16.12.2002). POHJOLA A. (1998), Sosiaalityön yliopistollisen koulutuksen kehittäminen. Sosiaalityön koulutuksen selvityshenkilön raportti opetusministeriölle. Opetusministeriön koulutus- ja tiedepolitiikan osaston julkaisuja, Vammalan kirjapaino, Helsinki. ID. (2005), Yhteenveto, in Borgman et al. (2005). SALTIEL D. (2003), Teaching Reflective Research and Practice on a Post Qualifying Child Care Programme, in “Social Work Education”, 22, 1, pp. 105-11. SCHÖN D. (1983), The Reflective Practitioner. How Professionals Think in Action, Basic Books, New York. TUNNEY K. (2002), Learning to Teach Abroad. Reflections on the Role of the Visiting Social Work educator, in “International Social Work”, 45, 4, pp. 435-46. TYNJÄLÄ P. (1999), Towards Expert Knowledge? A Comparison between a Constructivist and a Traditional Learning Environment in the University, in “International Journal of Educational Research”, 31, 5, pp. 357-442. TYNJÄLÄ P., MASON L., LONKA K. (2001), Writing as a Learning Tool: Integrating Theory and Practice, Kluwer Academic Publishers, Amsterdam.

Documents
Act on Qualification Requirements for Social Welfare Professionals (2005), 272. Berlin Communiqué 2003, http://www.bologna-bergen2005.no/Docs/00-

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Main_doc/050520_Bergen_Communique.pdf (Accessed 28.02.2006). General Social Care Council (2006), http://www.gscc.org.uk/Training+and+learning/ (Accessed 04.01.2006). Government Decree on University Degrees (2004), 794. Joint Action to Combat Trafficking in Human Beings and Sexual Exploitation of Children, http://europa.eu.int/scadplus/leg/en/lvb/l33072.htm (Accessed 08.06.2005) Official Journal of the European Communities C/277 E/171, 14.11.2002, europa.eu.int/eurlex/lex/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=OJ:C:2002:277E:0171: 0172:EN:PDF (Accessed 08.06.2005). Praque #Prague a p.117# Communiqué (2001), Towards the European Higher Education Area. Communiqué of the meeting of European Ministers in Charge of Higher Education (Praque, 19 May), http://www.bologna-bergen2005.no/ Docs/00-Main_doc/010519PRAGUE_COMMUNIQUE.PDF (Accessed 28.02.2006).

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Section Three Changing European Social Work Identities

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8 European Identities and Social Work Education
by Elizabeth Frost
What I am trying to say is that identity is not to do with being but with becoming.
Sarup (1996, p. 6)@

8.1 Introduction “Identity sociology” has been one of the corner-stones of the whole discipline for some years now, and as such it is an intellectual resource which social work theory can usefully draw upon. It has much to offer social work, encompassing as it does concerns about, for example, the ‘nature’ of its service users, whilst also offering the ability to reflect on professional identity – social work’s own identity – nationally and internationally. Within the context of globalisation and within a context of decades of the intellectual critiques of modernism and the enlightenment subject, the primary enquiry within discussions of identity is no longer about what it is – the given – but instead what they are becoming – the process. That identities are complex, multi-dimensional processes is the starting point for this discussion. The range of debates within the central theme of ‘identity’ is potentially enormous, and this paper cannot begin to do justice to them. Identity is also a slippery concept with multiple meanings. Here identity is being used to convey a notion of both the external position of people – geographical, political, cultural, structural, for example – and the subjective experience of inhabiting these places and ideas. Consequently, the notion of a social work identity will include issues such as skills, attributes and a body of knowledge dictated by policy, law and practice contexts, interpreted through training and experience. It will also contain self-concept and ethical issues, to do with a subjective understanding of who social workers see themselves as being, what they believe and believe in, what symbolic meanings form their understanding, and how these things “mesh” with the practices of being a social worker. In relation to social work education in Europe, not only does the notion of ‘identity’ generally offer students and staff an indispensable exploratory tool for practice and reflection, it is also useful for the analysis of the national and European situation of the profession. As the chap-

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ter goes on to discuss, it is not a coincidence that it is within the realm of education that much of this work to forge European social work identity is being undertaken. This chapter will briefly consider social constructionist positions on identity before going on to discuss ways of understanding collective identities. Two particular models of collective (cultural) identities will be considered, against which notions of European identity, and then European social work identity, will be analysed. These theories of “collective identity”, in both their sense of shared histories and political frameworks, but also in their sense of collective formative action, will be used to interrogate the current “project” of European social work and the central role that education is playing in europeanization. 8.2 Identity as a social construction The theoretical underpinning of this chapter is primarily social constructionist: identity is seen as the mutable product of contexts, in the broadest sense of the term (Burr, 1995). However, as the introductory quote above suggests, identity is also being taken here in the post-modern and psychosocial sense as identity in process (not “finished”), multiple and necessarily conflictual and contradictory. There are ambiguities and conflicts in all kinds of identities, whether those of a gender category, a nation or a profession (Sarup, 1996). The simple statement “I am a…” is never simple and never indisputable. It is also never settled. The “I am” is a process not a product; even close examination will produce a partial, time-delimited understanding (Craib, 1998). Post-modern thinking emphasises the discursive construction of identities: the narratives of identity categories. It posits that identity is a socio-linguistic construction: “culture”, the stories we tell about ourselves (Hall, 1992). Identity as a concept looks both inward and outward. Using Jenkins’ analysis of identity, it is both about belonging – what we have in common with some people, and with what/whom do we “identify” – and what differentiates us from others (Jenkins, 1996). Therefore also crucial to this notion of identity under discussion is the idea that what people are involves a demarcation of what they are not. Identities are formed “in opposition to”: the “other” is crucial for identity. Europe must have Asia against which to differentiate itself, Oriental is defined by how it is not Occidental, and so on (Sarup, 1996). Such ideas about identity are useful as an analytical starting point for thinking about group identities: in this case the group identities of “European” and “social work”. For example, the juxtaposition between the internal sense of being part of some grouping, and the external iden-

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tity category, are both highly significant to what can be meant by being “European”, being a social worker, etc. Not just externally-generated policy and law binds European and European social workers together (and not). Collective identities are collective hopes, dreams and affiliations, as well as objective similarities and shared activities. The chapter now goes on to look briefly at notions of collective identities. 8.3 Understanding collective European identities Remaining mindful of the elements outlined above on identity generally, this chapter now considers how we might best understand what is meant by a collective identity and how European identity and European social work identity can be viewed through such a lens. Firstly, it is worth making the point that this notion of European identity is an evolving one – like all identities, it is a process. Preston (2005, p. 498 – author’s italics) reminds us, for example, of:
“An unfolding process” of European identity, formed by the act of discussion […] amongst elites and masses there is reflection upon the ideas of Europe/Europeans; these ideas, whilst presently unclear, are already taking shape in ordinary conversation and mundane practice.

One very obvious way of analysing notions of any collective identity such as “European” is in relation to finding the commonalities of, for example, history, culture, shared experience and so forth. For example, in relation to Europe, Macionis and Plummer suggest a list which includes: a common history, common lands and geography – perhaps some broad common, cultural elements that could be seen as similar. It may be what Benedict Anderson has called an “imagined community”, held together by a common sense of history and culture (Anderson cited in Macionis, Plummer, 2002, p. 88). The identification of a common culture, it is being argued, becomes a matter of recognising observable similarities and some issues of belief and meaning. Just to consider this in relation to Europe: what kinds of commonalities and shared beliefs – shared narratives of “Europeaness” – can be considered? Wintle, for example, argues that the similarities underpinning European culture can be considered thus (Wintle, 1996, p. 11):
values that link to being the first industrialised countries, the first modern democratic countries and the first Christian cultures. As we will see, these values are

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pervasive. Taken together it may be, as Agnes Heller argues, that «European culture is modernity – cumulative knowledge and progress, technology and wealth – along with nation states and ideas of freedom and equality».

Steiner’s list, less prosaic and more philosophical, suggests a somewhat different set of axioms to define collective European culture, which are worth quoting at length (2006, p. 7):
the coffee house; the landscape on a traversable and human scale; these streets and squares named after statesmen, scientists, artists and writers of the past; our twofold descent from Athens and Jerusalem; and lastly, that apprehension of a closing chapter, of that famous Hegelian sunset which shadowed the idea and substance of Europe even in their noon hours.

Similarly in places, Joll looks upon the elements within European identity as a common history drawing on «the Roman Empire, Christianity, The Enlightenment and industrialisation» ( Joll, 1969, cited in Shahin, Wintle, 2000, p. 15). All this is useful, of course, for understanding notions of Europeaness. However, it is perhaps also worth noting that if a set of axioms were established defining differences instead of commonalities, these would be both broad and extensive. The point being made here is not, however, that «we have more in common than not», but simply that there are shared histories and cultures which can be detected, as well as, as identity theory would lead us to expect, a mass of contradictions and counter-indications. This is perhaps where broadening out the notion of what is meant by collective (European) identities may be helpful. The writing on collective identities, some of which is subsumed into the notion of “communities”, has been extensive over the last decades: far too big to do justice to here (Cohen, 1985, 1986). Some of the dimensions that constitute these ‘shared theme’ explanations are considered above, but a far broader discussion ensues if the role of the symbolic, imaginary and interpretative is applied to collective identity analysis. Both Macionis and Plummer, and Wintle, for example, posit that not just collective histories and cultures form a basis for looking at shared identity, but that other crucial elements exist (Macionis, Plummer, 2002). For example, the second important indicator of collective identity posited by Macionis is the idea that seeking to be united in itself constitutes a useful indicator of collective identity. This is not simply, as Jenkins suggests, that «Group identification, by definition, presupposes that members will see themselves as minimally similar» (Jenkins, 1996, p. 104), but indeed something more dynamic. In line with the social constructionist notion that identity is a process, not simply a product, the

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issue of the conscious attempt to forge a unified identity becomes a useful way of understanding the whole notion of a shared identity. In other words, that this making attempts to collectivise becomes a register of how people(s) perceive their identities, who they see themselves as being connected to, and what they wish to develop with them. Shared identity is demonstrable in the joint attempt to forge that very thing. In relation to European identity, it is possible to consider a group of countries themselves seeking to be united. «Since the Second World War (itself a curiously unifying factor) there have been persistent attempts to create a European union» (Macionis, Plummer, 2002, p. 88) Other analytical frameworks have emerged in relation to collective (European) identities. Wintle’s analysis, for example, suggests a different but equally useful theoretical framework against which to analyse Europeaness: the notion of “top down” and “bottom up” europeanization. In other words, whilst an analysis of the success of the process of attempting to politically forge a collective identity may offer some crucial tool to accept or dismiss the idea of collective (European) identity, it is equally significant to analyse the bottom-up activities – the informal, people-generated collective acts and organisation – which give a sense of the kind of collective mentioned above. For example, “top-down” attempts to impose shared currency, laws and policies, taxes and immigration controls, might suggest collectivisation. Wintle comments in relation to Europe: «The European Union and its predecessors have been the most active in this field, but the Council of Europe and other bodies also engaged in such attempts and have been doing so for the last century» (Shahin, Wintle, 2000, p. 20). However, as well as this, the significance of the “informal” (bottomup) is considerable (ivi, pp. 20-1).
Sporting, cultural and educational networks and activities [such as the Thematic Network from which this volume was generated] have proliferated in Europe over the last few decades. Grass roots politics including trade-unions, European unions of socialists and conservatives, all reflect collective political identities. Bottom-up organisations are both ubiquitous and burgeoning.

Both of the frameworks identified above possess considerable strength, when it comes to the consideration of collective identities and specifically European collective identities. The first posits identity as both collective histories, cultures, etc. but also, importantly, the collective attempts of individuals to form themselves: to imagine and to actively engender the process of collectivisation. The second framework suggests that any analysis of collective culture, such as the extent to which one can detect Europeanization, seeks to consider both the extent to which top-down

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and bottom-up features are present. Both of these paradigms will be utilised now as the chapter turns to consider, specifically, in what ways European Social Work identity or identities can be understood. 8.4 European social work identities Using Macionis’s first dimension, outlined above, tracing shared histories, languages, cultures, etc., is a common way in which collective identity can be established. Can this be claimed for pan-European social work? Or is there little common ground? It may seem initially unlikely that social work across Europe would share a great many “cultural” features. After all, invariably, as Erath et al. point out, social work as a profession and institution is constructed through nation states – in terms of policy, legal systems, economics and practice (Erath, Hämäläinen, Sing, 2001) and therefore must reflect the diversity of European national politics. From this “top-down” perspective, social work is likely to reflect its separate national identities. As such, it will present a nationally-defined and circumscribed range of differing historical and policy specifics which are reflected in education, research and practice. However, the kinds of ethical, practice, self-identity and related issues within European social work – the “bottom-up” aspects, if one uses this framework – do demonstrate a swathe of commonalities, considered later in this chapter. In 2003, the social work thematic network underpinning this book undertook a modest and impressionistic project on similarity and diversity. Each of the twenty-four European countries involved in the network were asked to describe, from their own viewpoint, the history, definition, education, roles, status and activities of social work in their country (Campanini, Frost, 2004). This produced an enormously helpful picture of some patterns of similarity and differences in the activity, which are worth drawing on here. Overall, what the project suggests is that in terms of the “top-down”, the laws, policy, history and the very definition of the term “social worker”, there was little evidence of collective identity in Europe. In Norway, for example, the term “social worker” is broad and loose, and still being negotiated (Larson, 2004, p. 166):
I have used the term “social worker” to describe the profession referred to as sosionom in Norwegian. However, it should be noted that the Norwegian professions of child welfare worker (barnevenpedagog) and social educator (vernerpleie) are similarly designated by the general term “social worker”. The training undertaken by social educators also includes medical training, so they are authorised health personnel.

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Hungary identifies three separate professions that have emerged, related to but distinct from their Sopron Norm (social worker) identity: the “other” against which social work has become defined (Fruttus, Mucsi, 2004, p. 108):
The constitution of the Sopron Nom ensured that, for the first time, social work managed to make itself independent of other social vocations [which had] already achieved public recognition, institutions and training courses. Those social professions that stand closest to social work are […] Deacons and deaconesses […] they do social work related activity within the church, co-operating with social institutions outside the church […] social assistants are trained to do background work for social workers […] the focus of a social nurse’s activity is social care and nursing. Social politicians are present at different government levels (local and national); they are responsible for the planning and direction of social policies.

In contrast, the German situation seems to be moving away from the core distinction of social worker and social pedagogue, towards a more incorporated model. Freisenhahn and Ehlert suggest “social work” is used as a general term, which in German is Soziale Arbeit, and covers both social work (Sozialarbeit) and social pedagogy (Sozialpädagogik). In terms of education, all Fachhochschulen in all Länder (federal states) are now establishing faculties where students get the qualification “social worker/social pedagogue” (Freisenhahn, Ehlert, 2004, p. 89) Lithuanians on the other hand are conscious that, whereas the current situation (in flux) of training can in some universities cast social pedagogy, social administration and so on as specialisms within social work, it is equally valid to interpret them as two separate traditions with their own specialisms. How to harmonise this situation is still under discussion (Lazutka, Pivoriene Eidukevic iu te ˙, ˇ ¯ ˙, 2004). However, in Italy, both social educators and social carers are unequivocally not defined as social workers, and have a different context and form of education as well as type of skills and service delivery (Campanini, 2004#Campanini, Frost, 2004?#). So, just from this handful of European examples it is evident that at its most literal (“who am I?”), the identity of social work is multi-faceted and diverse, reflecting a wide range of differences. It contradicts (in its policy-forged, “top-down” definitions) the notion of a shared identity. However, it does evidence the notion of identity as multiple and as a process: most countries commented on the emerging and fluid nature of the idea of social work in their own country: the extent to which the entire process of professional identity definition was subject to regular variation and over-haul and is currently in flux (Campanini, Frost, 2004#ibid.#). Does the notion of similarly experienced instability and change –

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“we are all equally unsettled about who we are, who we include and leave out, and how we define which skills and education forms us” – constitute a shared identity? Certainly it may connect with the notion of a pan-European “becoming” which will be discussed below, and certainly it may help to generate a shared sense of threat/excitement – a shared idea where change is possible, and redefinition, which may also include working towards a common redefinition, is possible. It may be useful, therefore, to turn to Marcionis’s notion of communities being shared attempts to forge a collective identity, and to consider Wintle’s “bottom-up” analysis, to interrogate commonalities. 8.5 Shared ideologies in European social work One traditional split in theorising a united Europe or indeed a common European identity has been the old division of East and West Europe, and the possibilities and limitations of the changes bought about by the collapse of the old socialist states in their various ways and forms. The tradition of social work, as a “top-down activity” discussed in a European context by, for example, Adams, Erath and Shardlow (2000) suggests some stark divergence where Eastern Europe is included. The “post-war period of national reconstruction” may well have been one of the shared experiences in Northern and Western Europe from which contemporary social work emerged (Adams, Erath, Shardlow, 2000), but in parts of ex-communist Europe it was the period in which the formal social work systems and policy frameworks in existence were actually demolished. Within this, of course, different countries experienced consideable variation: Estonia, Lithuania, Poland, Hungary, Romania and the Czech Republic reflect a diversity of experience (Campanini, Frost, 2004). However, if we continue with Wintle’s dual classification, and a “bottom-up” analysis is applied, the common struggles, mutual problems and themes become evident. “Bottom-up” here would include the intellectual and ideological underpinnings, the ethical, moral and philosophical beliefs found in social work(ers), with which the profession itself identifies and through which it defines itself. Intellectually and ideologically, the “two-fold descent from Athens and Jerusalem” referred to above, impacts on most pan-European social work identities to some extent. However, European social work’s inheritance (one might argue the whole European intellectual tradition including social analysis) is equally dominated by the immeasurable, continuing modernist inheritance: the “two-fold descent” from Vienna and Germany: that of Freud and Marx. Such issues as “the impact of

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religious institutions on social work organisation and practice” and “the impact of communism on social work development” are key problematics, if truly pan-European ideological contexts are foregrounded, offering a primary focus against which the rest of Europe can also be considered. The historical and continuing relationship between ideology, religious faith and social work is evident across the continent, from Ireland to Spain to Hungary, and in countries such as the Netherlands and the UK, in relation to “new” multicultural and multi-faith communities (Chiwangu, 2004; Tello, 2004; Fruttus, Mucsi, 2004; Freitas, 2004; Wilkinson, Frost, 2004). Similary, the legacy of Marxism continues to be embedded in relation to countries struggling to rebuild social structures and basic social services provision in the wake of the fall of communism, and in societies still drawing heavily on radical and emancipatory theories in their social work teaching and social work practice. Marxism then, emanating from, in some countries, lived ideologies and in others, theory for practice and research, is a further European social work theme. Freud is more traditionally associated with western and northern Europe (and the USA) as “casework” (Adams, Erath, Shardlow, 2001). However, globalisation within the academy and the complex process of developing new social work education and practice systems means that such influences can now be traced within southern and eastern Europe (Dimopoulou-Lagonika, 2004; Papathanasiou, 2004; Lazutka, Pivoriene ˙, Eidukevic iu te 2004). Psychoanalytical and psychosocial theory is ˇ ¯ ˙, impacting directly on social work curricula, and indirectly upon forms of social analysis and cultural interpretation (Elliott, 1999; Frosh, 1991). The new wave of writing on psychosocial theory, psychosocial policy, psychosocial research methods and psychosocial social work demonstrates the durablility and ubiquitous nature of psychonalytical thought in Europe and European social science (Hollway, 2001; Hoggett, 2000; Froggett, 2002; Ferguson, 2005; Frost, in press). European social work transcends its own (national) policy contexts because of these pan-European intellectual and ideological traditions, and also the values, principles and ethics that underpin its beliefs about itself. An example of this is offered by Adams, Erath and Shardlow (2000), who suggest that many of the principles that inform the nature of the relationship between practitioner and client are remarkably consistent across Europe. Illustrative of this is that when the International Association of Schools of Social Work and the International Federation of Social Work finally adopted, in 2004, a set of Global Standards for the Education and Training of the Social Work Profession, their international definition of social work and their set of core standards drew heavily on

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the ethical and ideological dimensions, as well as the practice dimension, of the profession:
The social work profession promotes social change, problem solving in human relationships, and the empowerment and liberation of people in order to enhance well-being […]. Principles of human rights and social justice are fundamental to social work.

In the IASSW’s Core Purposes of the Social Work Profession, at the top of the list is to «facilitate the inclusion of marginalized, socially excluded dispossessed, vulnerable and at-risk groups of people», and the successive point is to «address and challenge barriers to inequalities and injustices existing in society» (IASSW, 2004, p. 2). Thus defined then are the common principles for world social work, within which also sits European social work. Traditions and cultures of “Europeaness” as cited above – Christian/Judeo tradition, the enlightenment, modernism, and the underpinning morality and ethics generated within and between these – have inspired and informed both the Zeitgeist and raison d’être of (European) social work. What the aforementioned project – asking 24 countries to talk about what social work amounted to in their own countries – revealed, was that any common features discernable mostly relate to the ethical, moral and idealistic dimension, particularly as disseminated via social work education. Most countries mention, in relation to either their social work curriculum or professional context or both, that the shared dimension of ethics and human rights is seen as central to the overall project. For example, in relation to the curricula for social work, outlined by the participants of this study, it becomes clear that ethics and social justice are common European concerns. The recently instigated (1999) Cypriot curriculum, for example, has human rights and social justice at its core; the Czech Republic: ethics and philosophy; Iceland cites ethics as a core subject, and so on (Campanini, Frost, 2004). Estonia recognises this common element, and in relation to its curriculum for social work training, stresses the specific need for an internationalised curriculum, which reflects the liberatory philosophy of social work, whereby «it is vital that social workers co-operate on a macro level in order to protect human rights» (Tulva, Pukk, 2004, p. 65). One may well be a Swedish social worker or a Cypriot social worker, Lithuanian or Irish, but the notion of a bigger project, of the sharing of values and principles, such as concerns about social justice and the valuing of the individual, is part of a pan-European identity. The work of the IASSW not only evidences common concerns about ethics and principles, but also evidences the second strand of Macionis’s analysis of collective identities outlined earlier: participation in mutually

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identifying processes. Using this framework, European social work identity can also be clearly evidenced. Examples of social work constituencies within European countries, forging links and associations, projects and cooperative activities to engender European social work identities are burgeoning, with the EU itself financing some of this work. Social work education is the primary site within which conscious attempts to develop “europeanization” within social work can be most readily perceived. 8.6 Social work education developing European social work identity One of the issues which became evident in the project mentioned above was that all European countries who discussed the social work of that country commented upon the role social work education plays in this process of europeanization. A key theme was: in what way is the education of social workers contributing to developing pan-European dimensions within overall notions of “European social work”? An active process of developing an increased European engagement was evident, though of course the materials contributed were of necessity partial and impressionistic, and almost certainly provided by academics who, as demonstrated by their affiliation to the EUSW Thematic Network itself, wish to increase their involvement with Europe (Campanini, Frost, 2004). However, there is also some evidence to suggest that an increased International/European orientation is one of the more noticeable changes in social work education across Europe, in most of the European countries (Labonte-Roset, 2004). The associations of the schools of social work are starting to move in this direction. Following on from the IASSW framework above, the European section of the association, EASSW, has established a European accreditation agency, called the European Network for Quality Assurance for Social Professions (ENQASP), which aims to develop a frame of reference and minimum standards for study programmes in the European field of social professions. With or without any standardised accreditation agency, more joint European developments are unfolding. The twenty-four writers in this project foregrounded some of the ways in which European dimensions have been incorporated into the curriculum. For example, there has been considerable involvement in student mobility and teaching staff exchange. These activities have also been developed in some places in relation to periods of intensive study upon specific topics (such as EUfunded “Intensive Programmes”), and in relation to particular initiatives such as “International Weeks”, open to contributions from teachers of

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various nations. The attempt to open education up and give it wider vision is also demontrated by the insertion into the curricula of modules that address various aspects of social work from a comparative perspective. Furthermore, experiences of programmes carried out in the English language (the Netherlands), and summer schools have been developed. More structured attempts at forging European social work training can also be found. At master’s level there are several initiatives in European social work, for example a Master of Arts in Comparative European Social Studies (MACESS). The programme delivered by the Hogeschool Zuyd, Maastricht, and validated by the London Metropolitan University was set up in co-operation with a Socrates network of 28 universities and colleges all over Europe, and offers the opportunity to conduct European comparative research in social professional practice and/or social policy. Additonally, educational projects, such as The European Centre for Resources and Research in Social Work, are being instigated, with the aim of developing a database of research in the area of social work or related areas. The project is being coordinated in the Czech Republic by the departments of social work in Brno and Ostrava. The Ostrava department is also one of 11 European institutions participating in the development and realization of an integrated Master’s of Social Work programme. This is an innovative programme whose goal is to prepare candidates to become experts in the management of social work on a European level (Campanini, Frost, 2004). Examples of European social work education forging European social work are becoming more numerous. Given the model of collective identity outlined above, which highlights the process of developing collective actions being indicative of collective identities, European social work identity can certainly be demonstrated. 8.7 Conclusions It is extremely difficult to do justice to the notion of identity, with its multiple meanings and implications, in such a limited space. However, this chapter has attempted to consider, first and foremost, against what kinds of frameworks collective identity can most usefully be analysed. It then proceeded to analyse European social work identity against these analytical tools. Whether there are shared cultures and histories, including intellectual, moral, and ideological traditions was discussed. The formal processes of “top-down” identification were contrasted with those of “bottom-up” collectivisation (“bottom up” conceptually including the notion of ideological commonalities). Finally, the notion of collective identity being a product of collective attempts to identify was applied, and

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social work education demonstrated as engaged in a high level of identificatory activity. Ultimately, the chapter argues that it is from within social work education that work to understand and develop the concept of European social work identity, as well as the space in which to research and analyse it, is most usefully located. Crucially, it is here that for many social work practitioners, some of whom will be future policy makers and managers, the fundamental building blocks of any notion of European social work and its identity will be established, as students within the education system. Bibliography
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(2004), Hungary, in Campanini, Frost (2004). (1999), Sociology, Oxford University Press, Oxford. GIDDENS A. (1999), Runaway World. How Globalization is Reshaping Our Lives, Profile Books, London. HALL S . (1992), The Question of Cultural Identity, in S. Hall, D. Held, T. McGrew (eds.), Modernity and Its Futures, Polity Press, Cambridge. HOGGETT P. (2000), Emotional Life and the Politics of Welfare, Macmillan, Basingstoke. ID. (2001), Agency, Rationality and Social Policy, in “Journal of Social Policy”, vol. 30, 1, pp. 37-56. HOLLWAY W. (2001), The Psycho-social Subject in “Evidence-based Practice”, in “Journal of Social Work Practice”, vol. 15, 1, pp. 9-22. HOLLWAY W., JEFFERSON T. (2001), Doing Qualitative Research Differently: Free Association, Narrative and the Interview Method, Sage, London. IASSW (2004), Global Standards for the Education and Training of the Social Work Profession, #edizione?#, Adelaide. JENKINS R. (1996), Social Identity, Routledge, London. KANTOWICZ E. (2004), Poland, in Campanini, Frost (2004). LABONTE-ROSET R. (2004), The European Higher Education Area and Researchoriented Social Work Training, unpublished Conference material, Magdeburg. LARSON A. (2004) Norway, in Campanini, Frost (2004). ˙ ˇ ¯ ˙ LAZUTKA P., PIVORIENE J., EIDUKEVICIUTE J. (2004), Lithuania, in Campanini, Frost (2004). MACIONIS J., PLUMMER K. (2002), Sociology: A Global Introduction, Prentice Hall, Harlow. MASON T. (2004), Denmark, in Campanini, Frost (2004). PAPATHANASIOU M. (2004), Greece, in Campanini, Frost (2004). PRESTON P. (2005), Reading the Ongoing Changes: European Identity, in “The Political Quarterly”, Spring. SARUP M . (1996), Identity, Culture and the Post-modern World, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh. SHAHIN J ., WINTLE M . (eds.) (2000), The Idea of a United Europe: Political, Economic and Cultural Integration since the Fall of the Berlin Wall, Palgrave - Macmillan, Basingstoke. STEINER G. (2006), The Ideal of Europe, in “The Liberal”, Hay Festival Edition, pp. 4-8. TELLO T. (2004), Spain, in Campanini, Frost (2004). TULVA T., PUKK H. (2004), in Campanini, Frost (2004). WALKERDINE V., LUCEY H ., MELODY J . (2001), Growing Up Girl: Psychosocial Explorations of Class and Gender, Macmillan, Basingstoke. WILKINSON G., FROST E. (2004), England, in Campanini, Frost (2004). WINTLE M. (ed.) (1996), Culture and Identity in Europe: Perceptions of Divergence and Unity in Past and Present, Avebury, Aldershot.

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9 Exploring the Future of Social Work. Motives and Attitudes among Italian and Swedish Social Work Students
by Vincenzo Fortunato, Peter Dellgran and Staffan Höjer
9.1 Introduction Social work scholars have been fairly preoccupied over the years with attempting to discover just who the social work student is. This interest is legitimate, since social work in the second half of the twentieth century, as well as in the initial years of this one, has witnessed significant change. “Academication” and “professionalization” could be labels one might ascribe to the changes taking place within many European countries. However, these are not the only developments facing the social work profession; new technologies such as the computerisation of social work, new legislation, re-organization, and internationalisation, are simply a few examples of the many important challenges that the social work profession (alongside other social professions) must respond to (Becher, 1999). A couple of years ago, a British social work scholar, Malcolm Payne, presented a paper at the EASSW conference in Copenhagen 2003, called Post Modern Students. During this conference, a question was put to the fore, asking whether future social work students might enter the profession with entirely different values and interests as a direct consequence of societal change. Flexibility, openness, globalisation, individualism and insecurity are some of the key markers of a post modern society. Therefore, the future identity of professionals could not be rooted within a specific role or profession, and this would most certainly effect both university education and delivery of practice (Payne, 2003). Evidently, whether this is true or not, there is still great interest surrounding both the values and motives of future social workers; why do they wish to follow this particular career path? Harlow (2004) claims social work values are a factor we must consider when analysing why so many social workers in Britain choose to leave this employment. In certain parts of London, vacancy rates are as high as 50 percent. Social workers expect to spend a substantial amount of time with service users, instead they increasingly find themselves desk-bound, with managerial tasks taking up a

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large portion of their day. Social work students might be looked upon as representations of youth responding to new challenges, yet also as prospective professionals who could be shaping future transformations of professional social work. Whatever role we wish to give students, they could be viewed as seismographs, who respond to the socialization process they are submitted to, whilst also giving signals about important changes to come. In Europe, where the implementation of the Bologna convention is underway, the motives and attitudes of students are taken seriously. Understanding of the reasons why social work students choose to become social workers is crucial to all students, teachers and researchers concerned with both the training of social workers and the development of social work as a profession. This article attempts to explore and discuss the motives and attitudes of social work students in Italy and Sweden: to consider their motivations for entering the social work profession, and to discern which of these attitudes or experiences were of relevance to their future work in the profession. Two dimensions are chiefly explored: life context (age, gender, educational history, motivations, expectations, etc.) and professional identity (qualities perceived as important for social workers, their view of social work roles and tasks). The specific questions to which we would like to find answers are: Who are social work students? What are their specific motives? Why have they undertaken this career path? What are their expectations of their future? This work might also be considered further contribution to the debate on the nature of social work in Europe, an area in which there seems to be greater emphasis put upon integration, despite different traditions and cultural models (Hackett et al., 2003). Comparisons between Italy and Sweden allow us to understand commonalities and differences that exist between social work students, in relation to their differences in age, their gender, their educational history, and their political and religious orientations. In other words, the extent to which international students «share common understanding of the meaning of social work and its core tenets, principles and activities, despite the market historical and cultural differences in which they have been raised» (ivi, p. 164). Whilst these two countries are not necessarily entirely representative of the Northern and Southern context, the comparison offers a snapshot of two very different nations. 9.2 Earlier research Literature regarding the career determinants of social work traditionally focused upon variables in demographics, personal value orientations, and personality traits. Women constitute a significant majority of profession-

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al social workers employed throughout Europe (Campanini, Frost, 2004). At the same time other key factors, such as social class, also influence career choice. It has been pointed out that social work education tends to attract people from a lower socio-economic class than many other types of professional education (Golden, Pins, Jones, 1972; Larsson, Swärd, 1993). Values and personal orientations also appear to influence career decisions (Yael, 1988). In particular, it is claimed social work students tend to hold values, attitudes and beliefs quite dissimilar from other closely related types of professional education. The author found that people who chose to study social work at university held both different social and career-related attitudes from their colleagues who had chosen a general academic curriculum in social sciences. Therefore, social work students seem to be more altruistic or other oriented than students in other fields. It is easy to find studies attempting to capture the attitudes of social work students in relation to a multitude of topics. Former studies looked at: attitudes towards diversity issues (Kohli, Faul, 2005); characteristics of social work students (Moriarty, Murray, 2005); work values in comparison with other university students (Knezevic, 1999); changing gender profiles (Perry, Cree, 2003). In some cases, studies have been made in a specific context; this is so we may examine whether the motives that compel individuals to enter social work have shifted over time (on Sweden, see Larsson, Swärd, 1993; Billquist, Framme, Rönnmark, 1995; Elofsson, 1998). In other studies, students from different countries have been compared (see Weiss et al., 2002a, 2002b, for personal preferences in the UK, USA and Israel; Woodcock, Dixon, 2005, for professional ideologies and preferences in UK compared to nine other countries; D’Cruz et al., 2002, for gender differences in the USA, UK, Australia and Canada). In the latter study, special emphasis was placed upon the comparison of gender patterns in relation to values and ethical issues. It is interesting to note that the article showed a direct association between gender and ethics, but was found to be too simplistic. Other factors, such as age or university, needed taking into account if any analysis of difference was to be reliable. Hackett et al. (2003) compared the motivation, professional development and identity of social work students in four European countries (the UK, Finland, Slovenia and Germany). Although their study was conducted using a relatively small sample, they found high levels of consistency between the groups spanning those countries, when it came to the hopes and concerns of individuals about training as social workers.

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Compared to the majority of earlier research included here, this article presents data taken from two comprehensive studies which used students from many different universities. We will return to some of the results from this previous research, in order that we may compare the results from the two studies presented in this chapter. 9.3 Theoretical perspectives There are several different ways to understand and to analyze the professionalization of an occupational field. This article does not give much space to elaborate on this, but we will make reference to some traditions that might be of guidance to those seeking further reading on the matter. In a sociological analysis of the professions, of primary interest would be the study of professions as a collective process. Questions like: what constitutes a profession? Discussions about driving forces and the consequences of professionalization in social work could be seen as a perennial question, indicating these have great importance for the circumstances that influence social work in any setting. How do professions relate to other professions and occupational groups? How would a profession enhance its status? What role would knowledge play within a profession? These are all topics that have been discussed both in general terms and in relation to social work. For a good overview of the theories that constitute the sociology of the professions, see Macdonald (1995) (Also see Flexner, 1915; Greenwood, 1957; Etzioni, 1969; Kirk, Reid, 2002; Dellgran, Höjer, 2003a). Yet professionalization might also be viewed as an individual process, focusing upon individual skills and competences within the daily work of the social worker. Over the years, theories such as the ones on reflexive practice and those relating to how individuals manage to integrate and transform academic knowledge into practice have been elaborated upon (see Schon, 1983; Yelloly, Henkel, 1997). In this study we attempt to bring another aspect of professionalization into focus. Professionalization could be studied as a socialization process, the process of actually becoming a professional of a certain kind. In this building of an identity, undergraduate education is held to be especially important. Camilleri (1996, p. 3) claims that the socialization process, «involves the individual in taking on the persona of the professional». There are several studies which relate to how this professional identity building is being both developed and challenged; see, for instance, the book Ready to practice (Marsh, Trisiliotis, 1996), which follows social workers from their undergraduate education to their entrance into a social work field.

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9.4 Methods and material This article is based upon two separate studies from Italy and Sweden which shared a common aim, which was to compare motives and preferences among social work students in the respective countries. It is important to note, however, that the samples were taken at different times (Italy in 2005, Sweden in 2002), and that the questionnaires used were not identical. Other comparative research has made us aware of the difficulties inherent in such a process, due to, for instance, language differences, cultural differences and differences in welfare regimes. With this in mind, extra caution should be taken when drawing comparisons between the two countries, keeping comments on differences and commonalities more tentative than would usually be the case. Another possible factor that might influence the answers from students of both countries could be the impact of political (or professional) correctness. It might be considered more correct to declare altruistic motives, rather than selfish or status-related ones in a discipline such as social work. To what extent such considerations might have affected the answers we can only speculate upon, yet the influence of political correctness must be an important consideration where attitudes are being declared (Rombach, 1998). We are not searching for any kind of essential truth in this matter (if such a thing could exist), but instead wish to examine what actual declarations come from the mouths of students entering the social work profession, and what these declarations might signify. The Swedish questionnaire was answered by 801 students, most of them in their first or last semester, from across the eight social work education localities that existed in Sweden at that time. There are now twelve of these localities in existence. The questionnaires were filled in during lectures, with the answers being handed in anonymously to one of the staff members. Almost all attending students handed in the questionnaire. The Italian study uses the data from a recent national survey of approximately 2,000 social work students, aged between 18 and 22 years. From this we will attempt to define a sort of identikit/profile for students who have chosen this particular subject with the aim of becoming social workers. The research was carried out using a structured questionnaire, divided into broad sections, collecting information about the students’ educational background, their motivations, their values, etc.

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9.5 Social work students in Italy Before exploring the data, it seems helpful to include a brief description of the main features and history of social work education in Italy. As Campanini argued (2004), social work education in Italy emerged later (after the Second World War) than in many other European countries with longer traditions of social work, and faced several challenges before the gaining of legal and professional recognition. In particular, social work as a university subject came as the result of a slow and gradual process, which firstly recognized the Diploma in Social Work (Diploma universitario in servizio sociale - DUSS) and then a few years later defined the Social Work Degree course. The Bologna declaration implemented national reform of higher education. This reform introduced two levels of university degree: the first one lasting three years, and named Sciences of Social Work and a second one lasting two years, titled Planning and Management of Politics and Social Services. After graduating, students must sit a national examination to become social workers, and may enrol with the Albo degli sssistenti sociali (sections B or A) to work as professionals. Despite these initial difficulties, Italy now possesses over thirty universities which teach undergraduate degrees in Social Work, and around ten which teach master’s degree courses (Laurea magistrale). Therefore, Italian students have a far greater chance than ever before of achieving a high standard of education in social work, and therefore of becoming professionals. Starting with these considerations in mind, we examined the data on Italian social work students, and discovered that studying social work chiefly satisfied a “wish to help people” (97.2%), closely followed by the need to find a career which provided personal fulfilment (94.2%). It seems the Italian students entering social work were motivated primarily by an interest in helping others. However, bound up with this altruism were less selfless incentives to join the profession, such as job satisfaction, salary, stability, working conditions, and the acquisition of prestige. These two factors appear interrelated. Another important motivational factor is represented here, through the identification of a specific interest in “the subjects proposed in the curriculum”. In fact, there appears to be huge interest (92.6%) in the topics that make up the Social Work curriculum. The students also find themselves motivated by the specific teaching methods in social work, where the importance of the relationship between social workers and clients are being emphasized.

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TABLE 9.1 Motives of Italian students for starting social work education – 2005 (percentages; N = 2000)
Motives Men Women Total

A wish to help people To find a job that brings fulfilment Interest in the subjects proposed in the curriculum Ideological convictions (religion, politics, etc.) Interest in the specific way of teaching social work To make getting a job easier Previous experience in social care or social work Income The degree course in social work is easier Influence of family Lower costs in relation to other academic degrees Influence of friends’ choices

92.3 89.6 86.6 90.1 65.3 47.6 49.2 17.4 12.8 11.2 9.8 8.0

97.6 94.6 91.3 92.8 73.7 53.7 43.6 13.1 8.1 6.3 6.1 3.4

97.2 94.2 92.6 90.9 73.0 53.2 44.0 13.3 8.4 6.6 6.4 4.0

The figures show the percentages answering “high” or “medium” to each motive. The other alternatives were “low” or “none”. Source: National Observatory on Social Work (2005 #manca biblio#).

Unlike Sweden and many other European countries, ideological motivations (chiefly related to politics and religion) play a significant role for Italian students in social work. In spite of an ongoing process of secularization and rationalization (described by many scholars as modernization) the influence of the Catholic Church remains quite strong, and is deeply rooted in Italian national culture. Other factors, like job opportunities, previous experiences, more opportunistic motives, seem generally to be of less importance. When examining this data along gender lines, women appear to lend greater importance to particular identified motivations. In particular, with regard to Table 9.1, it seems women are more value-oriented in their motivations, whereas men give significant importance to opportunistic or pragmatic motivations, such as future income, low cost of course, easier route in relation to other degree courses. Moreover, men are also more likely to feel the influence of their friends and families in the choices they make. One interesting aspect that has come to light is that men are more motivated than women by previous experience in social care or social work. This may reinforce a hypothesis based upon gender difference, according to which women, from their early years onward, are socialized into having an orientation toward care duties and social work. For men, on the other hand, early experience in the field appears to increase levels of motivation. Students were also required to describe some of the features they thought it

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necessary to possess in order to be a good social worker. As illustrated in Table 2, the great majority (71.4%) of respondents believed that in order to be a good social worker it was necessary to have good interpersonal skills, to be able to combine the “dealing with other people” with the desire to “look after” socially excluded or disadvantaged people (58.5%). Once more, the other oriented nature of social work students becomes apparent. Thought of, surprisingly, as less important were notions of technical experience and professional competence. The attention given to empathy and personal qualities, whilst underestimating the importance of experience and competence, may be foolhardy; there is a risk that one might fail to take into account the necessary knowledge and skill that lie at the very root of the social work profession. This is due quite possibly to Italy’s late development in social work, both as a discipline and a profession; this might contrast somewhat with views elicited in countries where social work has enjoyed a more gradual evolvement, and where, therefore, students might possess greater clarity and understanding of the specific qualities, tasks and roles ascribed to professional social workers. Finally, in the social perception of students, being a woman did not necessarily constitute an important antecedent for being a social worker. This seems to contrast with ‘traditional’ notions of gender, whereby gender has been viewed as an important precursor of career choice, with social work regarded pre-eminently as a female profession.
TABLE 9.2. People suited to being a ‘good’ social worker according to Italian social work students (2005).
People suited to being a social worker Percent

People with good people skills People who wish to look after others People with very good technical experience and knowledge Creative people People with ‘common sense’ People voluntarily involved in social activities Women People with a very good basic culture
Source: National Observatory on Social Work (2005).

71.4 58.5 17.7 13.0 10.6 9.9 7.2 4.7

9.6 Social work students in Sweden In Sweden, comprehensive social work education was initiated in 1921. Today, twelve universities and colleges teach social work education at

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the undergraduate level. Swedish social work undergraduate education is university-based and takes 3,5 years (BSW). For one semester, the students undertake field practice supervised by a skilled social worker. Following graduation the social worker will be given the title socionom; this will entitle her/him to work within many different subdivisions of social work. Master’s courses in social work began in 1980, and since 1977 it has been possible to take a PhD in social work (for more information about Swedish PhD dissertations, see Dellgran, Höjer, 2003b). The most common type of Swedish social work undergraduate is a woman aged between 20-30 years old. At the time the survey was taken, 87% were women, and 65% were under 32 years old. However, you could say that compared with many of the other fields within university education, classes were quite mixed when it came to age; 35% were older than 32 years old, and 8% were older than 42 years old. The students were required to answer to what extent a number of possible factors had motivated them to start their social work education. In Table 9.2, ranking orders of different motivational factors are presented.
TABLE 9.3 Motives of Swedish social work students for starting a social work education (percentages; ranking order)

Motives

Percent

A wish to work with people A wish to help people Possibility of fighting injustice and poverty To gain an academic degree To gain an academic professional education Possibility of influencing developments within society Experience of social problems in my family Earlier work experience in social care or social work Assessment of the future employment situation Political conviction Religious conviction

96.8 90.1 64.4 55.9 54.7 50.9 42.4 37.0 35.4 20.5 6.6

The question was put: To what extent did the following motives play a part in your choice to take up social work education? The alternatives were: a very high extent; a quite high extent; a moderate extent; a quite low extent; a very low extent. The shares illustrated represent those who answered “very high” or a “quite high” extent.

Almost everyone felt that a fundamental motive in directing them toward the study of social work was the wish to work with, and to help, people. When it comes to other motives the picture is more disparate. The third

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most highly ranked motive was the notion of social work education being a tool with which one might be able to fight injustice and poverty, which one could claim to be both a political and value-based motive. The fight against injustice and poverty is often seized upon as one of the cornerstones of social work, a connotation which came to the fore in the early 20th century (Zimbalist, 1977). In subsequent years there has been much discussion surrounding whether or not social workers truly conform to this stereotype; see, for instance, the debate undertaken in the US, summarised in the book Unfaithful Angels. How social workers have abandoned their mission (Specht, Courney, 1995). Later, the chief ideas within this book were countered by a number of authors in a book named Professionalization of Poverty (Lowe, Reid, 1998), which made one claim, amongst others, that social workers have always been motivated by a variety of factors, not simply altruistic ones, to engage in social work. On the one hand, some value-based motives associated with the starting of social work education score quite low, i.e. political and religious conviction. Many authors claim that ideology plays a less important role within late modern society, and perhaps, therefore, students do not look upon themselves as steered by ideology, either of a political or religious nature. On the other hand, the will to fight injustice and poverty, and the will to be able to influence future societal development, is something over half of the students identify with as an influential motive which inspired them to start their education. These motives could also be looked upon as value-based. Roughly half of students admit to having more pragmatic reasons for becoming social work students. To get an academic degree and to gain a professional academic education is held to be equally important. One motive that is sometimes discussed in relation to social work (the same discussion you might find in psychology) is the importance which personal experience in different kinds of social problems plays. In this study, more than four out of ten respondents said this had been a motivational factor in starting their education. 9.7 Motives and their relation to certain characteristics In Table 9.4, we compare male and female students, young and mature students, students with different political preferences, and students in their first and last term of education. As previously mentioned, women dominate Swedish social work education. When the motives of male and female students were compared, they, perhaps surprisingly, only differed significantly in relation to two of these motives. Women perhaps more readily admit to certain motives,

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though these may be amongst the highest ranked motives of the men, too. Yet it is interesting to note that when it came to other motives, there were no significant differences. More differences emerge in relation to age. Pragmatic motives, like assessment of the future employment situation and the desire to gain an academic degree, are more frequently exposed as motives of the more mature student. These students also claim earlier work experience in social care or social work motivated them to take up their studies.
TABLE 9.4 Significant differences between diverse groups of social work students, relating to motives for starting a social work education. Percentages of those who answered “to a high extent”
Motives Male Sex Female Old Age Young Political preference Semester at school Right Left First Last

A wish to work with people A wish to help people Possibility of fighting injustice and poverty To gain an academic degree To gain an academic professional education Possibility of influencing development within society Experience of social problems in my family Earlier work experience in social care or social work Assessment of the future employment situation Political conviction Religious conviction

93.4 87.6

97.3* 90.7 ▲ 85.5 92.3■ 93.0 70.4 85.4 ▲ 56.3■

57.8 46.9 50.6 51.2 30.4■ 30.4■ 9.0 11.0 28.0 ■ 5.8* 5.9 38.7 37.3 *

41.6■ 35.4 ▲

7.2*

(Significant rates (Chi2): *< 0.05; ▲ <0.01; ■ <0.001.) The question was put: To what extent did the following motives play a part in your choice of starting social work education? The alternatives were: a very high extent; a quite high extent; a moderate extent; a quite low extent; a very low extent. The shares illustrated represent those who answered “very high” and “quite high” extent.

Older students were less likely to claim that a motivational factor for starting social work was to help other people. Could this, perhaps alongside their pragmatic motives, be a consequence of their greater life experience and experience in a working environment, knowing the intrinsic difficulties that exist in such a claim?

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Political preferences influence student motivation to some extent. The students that voted for left wing parties (Social Democrats, Left Party or Green Party) at the election preceding the survey, did recognise political conviction as a motivating factor more often than right wingers (the Conservatives, the Liberals, the Centre Party and the Christian Democrats). There was a significant correlation which arose between voting right wing and claiming religious motives, and voting left wing and claiming political motives. Perhaps more surprisingly, there was no difference at all between these left wing and right wing voters when it came to their inclination to fight injustice and poverty, or their wish to influence developments within society. It is often claimed that the reason why social work students take a radical and active stance on such matters is their tendency to vote to the left (almost 73% of the students that voted in the last election voted left, compared to just over 50% among the voters in Sweden as a whole). One of the more interesting issues under consideration is whether or not the undertaking of an education in social work alters student motives in any way. Perhaps a methodological about-turn is required before we can make any tentative claims regarding the reasons for these differences. In the survey, students were asked to tick their motives for starting social work education. Considering both sets of students, the half who had begun their studies a couple of weeks prior to the survey, and the other half, commencing their last semester: in the latter case, it is quite possible that in the three years they had been involved in social work education, student perceptions had altered somewhat when it came to what it might be possible to achieve within the field, thus supplying an entirely new perspective upon the reasons given for starting the course three years earlier. Whether or not this is the case will not be revealed as a result of this study; however, it is a fact that the motivations offered differ significantly on certain points. Students in their seventh semester make lesser claims to value-based motives such as “helping people”, “fighting injustice” or “changing society”. One way to understand this is through acknowledging that students by their third year have had experience in the field, and have found, therefore, that these values are often difficult to maintain in reality. Another possible explanation may relate to the fact that, in Sweden, social work education is part of a professionalization project that stresses clinical social work with individuals and families over more politically-oriented community work, looking at the causes of people’s problems on a structural level. For other studies which give similar evidence or explanation, see Dellgran and Höjer (2000). We will come back to this discussion in the concluding part of the article.

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9.8 Student preferences regarding work with different groups in Italy and Sweden In the Italian study, the students interviewed showed a degree of orientation toward specific areas of intervention. In particular, most of them displayed a clear preference for working with children (57.7%) or with youths (25.2%), whereas relatively few students aim to work with poorer families (8.4%), elderly people (7.7%) or immigrants (6.1%), which in our society represent the core areas of intervention. Thus, there seems little correspondence between student expectation during education and the reality waiting to greet them in their future employment. An important role for professional tutors will therefore be supervising and supporting social work students during their studies, helping them to handle these re-orientations.
TABLE 9.5 Personal orientations in relation to different fields within Italian social work. More than one alternative was possible (percentages)
Working areas Percent

Children Youths Families with social problems Drugs and alcohol abuse Disabled/handicapped People with mental health problems Socially excluded and poor people Poor families Elderly Immigrants No preferences Other
Source: National Observatory on Social Work (2005 #manca biblio#).

57.7 25.2 21.6 19.7 13.4 12.3 10.8 8.4 7.7 6.1 3.8 3.6

There are many similarities between the ranking orders of Italy and Sweden (see Table 9.5), though response alternatives were not identical. In Sweden, work in therapy, with children and families, with young people, or work in school settings was very popular. Work with the elderly and the poor, or with criminal offenders and drug abusers was not held in such high esteem. Similarities become apparent between the students’ wish to work in different areas of social work and the status they associate with those

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areas. One might also note that the types of jobs which were perceived as high status all possessed a considerable degree of professional discretion and autonomy, in comparison with those jobs lower down the list, which don’t. This could be a source of empirical support for those theories within the sociology of the professions which claim that the striving for a degree of professional discretion is one of the major driving forces for professions that wish to enhance their status (see Macdonald, 1995). (For more information about the Swedish study on status, see Dellgran, Höjer, 2003 #a o b?#).
TABLE 9.6 Ranking order of the interest shown by Swedish students in different kinds of social work: perceptions of the status accorded to these fields, compared to a similar ranking order made up of the perceptions of practising social workers
Working areas Interest in future working area term 1 term 7 Internal status according to social work students term 1 term 7 Internal status according to social workers

Individual or family therapy Social work in schools Child or family psychiatric team Adult psychiatric team Family law Youth work (outreach) Child welfare (open care) Child welfare (institution) Child welfare (local welfare office) Probation social work Alcohol and drug treatment (open care) Education and Research Alcohol and drug treatment (institution) Personal administration Alcohol and drug treatment (local welfare office) Health social work (somatic) Unemployment and rehabilitation. Handicapped and disabilities. Social assistance Elderly care

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

1 2 6 8 3 4 5 9 7 12 15 10 18 11 16 14 13 17 19 20

3 5 2 4 6 11 8 10 12 9 14 1 13 7 16 15 17 18 19 20

1 6 2 5 4 12 9 11 7 13 14 3 16 0 15 8 17 18 19 20

1 9 3 6 4 12 7 10 8 15 13 2 17 5 18 11 14 16 20 19

For more information about the Swedish study on status, see Dellgran, Höjer (2003 #a o b?#).

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9.9 Conclusions and discussion This case-study analysis based upon the findings from two European countries illuminated one very significant aspect within social work. In particular, this comparison seems to have revealed the commonalities as well as the differences found in both nations when it comes to the motives, experiences and attitudes of students toward initiating social work education. Let us first examine some of the commonalities that arose, when it comes to motives which compel students toward social work in Italy and Sweden. It soon becomes apparent that a certain kind of pattern has emerged, similar if not identical to the findings of many other studies of social work students all over the world. For most students, social work is viewed as a public service activity, where one works with people. It is the ‘other-oriented nature’ of this helping profession that students wish to engage with; this is the primary reason students start social work education. In both countries, as well as in the majority of remaining European countries (see Campanini, Frost, 2004), the majority of social work students are women, and this may influence their motives in becoming social workers. However, in the Swedish study, where the motives of male and female social work students are compared, the profiles of these motives are very similar. This implies that whilst gender differences might explain why fewer men apply to social work education, gender has a lesser effect upon differences amongst social work students than one might imagine (in this sense this study supported D’Cruz et al., 2002). Another pattern which emerges is that social work students felt a mixture of both value-based and pragmatic motives when it came to the starting of social work education; even if the value-based ones appear to dominate. As previously indicated, it might be easier for a student to indicate value-based motives in such an enquiry, but it is still of interest that this has turned out to be the case. Especially if we keep in mind the thinking of post-modern theorists, who claim that values and ideology play an ever decreasing role in the minds of young people. On the contrary, social work students in both Italy and Sweden are prone to see themselves as making a difference when it comes to ideological motives such as fighting injustice and poverty. Perhaps it is worth noting that in all the studies of social work student motives which have emerged, we have yet to find one study which lays emphasis upon the students’ desire to get a job where they are required to exercise formal authority, deal with bureaucracy, and fill in forms.

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This disparity between the reality of some social work settings and student expectation of that setting is a difficulty familiar to many social work teachers, who need to find ways of addressing this issue during the educational process. Perhaps of most significance, certainly when it comes to the Swedish study, is the fact that these value-based motives appear to decrease after some years within social work education. As in any other welfare profession, a tension may exist between professionalization, whereby activities enhance the status and conditions for professionals, and the fight to better the situation for service users. However, this suggested tension could be both discussed and countered (see Lowe, Reid, 1999). There are also important differences between the Italian study and the Swedish one. Italian students were more prone to claim that ideological factors played an explicit part in their choosing of social work than participants in the Swedish study. As noted above, more gender-based differences were uncovered in the Italian study than the Swedish one; for instance, the fact that these men seem to be more dependent in the choices they make than women, claiming to be more readily influenced by their family and friends than their female counterparts. However, these questions were not put forward as part of the Swedish study, so we cannot discern whether this is a typical Italian characteristic or not. When it comes to a student’s job preference, two things are notable. Firstly, in both countries it seems both evident and natural that (relatively) young students wish to work with young service users; in this case, with children, families, within school settings or likewise. One tentative explanation might be that the students prefer to work with the sorts of problems and situations they can readily relate to their own experience. At the beginning of a social work career, it could also be quite intimidating to help people with more experience in life than yourself. This could be one possible reason behind some of the results emerging from the ranking lists of both countries. Secondly, from the Swedish study, where these ranking lists were compared to lists of the anticipated status of different fields within social work, more critical comment is required. In what way do politicians, social work managers and other people responsible for administering these social work settings respond to this situation, where such a disparity exists with regard to internal status? Perhaps discussion is needed surrounding the reasons why this difference in status has occurred: to discuss whether improvements need to be made within certain social work organizations, or whether improved conditions could be introduced within particular social work settings. Otherwise the preferences expressed by these students could create a situation similar to that in London, noted by Harlow (2004), whereby social workers are abandoning certain fields of social work.

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(eds.) (1999), Professionalization of Poverty. Social Work and the Poor in the Twentieth Century, Aldine de Gruyter, New York. MACDONALD K. (1995), The Sociology of the Professions, Sage, London. MARSH P., TRISILIOTIS J. (1996), Ready to Practice? Social Workers and Probation Officers: Their Training in Their First Year in Work, Avebury, Aldershot. MORIARTY J., MURRAY J. (2005), Who Wants to be a Social Worker? Using Routine Published Data to Identify Trends in the Numbers of People Applying for and Completing Social Work Programmes in England, in “British Journal of Social Work”, advanced access published Oct. 19. PAYNE M. (2003), Post Modern Students, paper presented at EASSW conference in Copenhagen, June. PERRY R. W., CREE V. E. (2003), The Changing Gender Profile of Applicants to Qualifying Social Work Training in the UK, in “Social Work Education”, 22, 4, pp. 375-83. ROMBACH B. (1998), Nöjdhetsmätningar – en kritisk granskning av attitydundersökningar I sjukvården, in “Förvaltningshögskolans Rapporter”, 14, #pp?#. SCHON D. A. (1983), The reflexive practitioner, Basic Books, New York. SPECHT H., COURTNEY M. (1995), Unfaithful Angels. How Social Work has Abandoned its Mission, The Free Press, New York. WEISS I ., GAL J ., CNAAN R . A ., MAGLAJLIC R . (2002a), Where Does it Begin? A Comparative Perspective on the Professional Preferences of First-year Social Work Students, in “British Journal of Social Work”, 32, pp. 589-608. IDD. (2002b), What Kind of Social Policy Do Social Work Students Prefer? A Comparison of Students in Three Countries, in “International Social Work”, 45, 1, pp. 59-81. WOODCOCK J., DIXON J. (2005), Professional Ideologies and Preferences in Social Work: A British Study in Global Perspective, in “British Journal of Social Work”, 35, pp. 953-73. YAEL E. (1988), Why are They Different? Background, Occupational Choice, Institutional Selection and Attitudes of Social Work Students, in “Journal of Social Work Education”, 24, 2, pp. 165-74. YELLOLY M., HENKEL M. (1997), Learning and Teaching in Social Work. Towards a Reflexive Practice, Kingsley, London. ZIMBALIST S. E. (1977), Historic Themes and Landmarks in Social Welfare Research, Harper & Row, New York.

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10 Age, Maturity and Suitability for Social Work Education: European Perspectives
by Nick Pike

In this chapter, I argue that there are two broad approaches to social work education across Europe that can be discerned from the available published material. These two approaches I call “pre-entry education” and “postentry education”. Pre-entry education is generally, though not always, associated with younger students, who possess restricted prior social work experience, limited experience of the working world, but higher academic attainment. Post-entry education tends to produce an older student group, with substantial prior social work experience, greater life experience but reduced academic attainment. I suggest that, since before the Second World War, the broader European tradition has favoured pre-entry education, culminating in the inclusion of social work education in the 1989 EU Directive on the mutual recognition of professional qualifications, and later the Bologna Declaration. However, I also argue that the United Kingdom for much of this same period has remained wedded to the concept of postentry education. I suggest that this approach was championed by the Thatcher and Major governments (1979-97) as a consequence of ideological opposition to the concept of professional social work, and that this culminated in the exclusion of UK social work education from the 1989 EU Directive. After exploring the social and political roots of both the general European trend and the aberrant case of the United Kingdom, I briefly look at the way developments in Europe have impacted upon the United Kingdom, and how they have shaped current developments in British social work education as the sector moves towards the implementation of the Bologna Declaration. I begin, however, with a personal account of my own progress toward qualification as a social worker in the United Kingdom, since this offers a clear description of “post-entry” professional education. My account begins on 22nd September, 1975. I left the new office block in Sparkbrook, Birmingham, wearing my best shirt, tie, trousers and casual jacket. I carried a slightly battered brown leather briefcase embossed in gold with the letters CBSSD (City of Birmingham Social

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Services Department). I was on my way to my first visit, following the appointment of my first job as a social worker. I was 23, a graduate in history from the University of Warwick, I had been married for nearly 3 months and had yet to find anywhere to live in Birmingham. Why should I, a middle class graduate from a fairly sheltered family background in rural Devon, be thought suitable for a career in social work? In particular, why was I suitable for a job in one of the most disadvantaged parts of Birmingham, when less than twelve months previously I had found myself turned down for social work education? Coming towards the end of my degree in history, I had applied to the London School of Economics, to join the two-year Certificate of Qualification in Social Work and had been rejected because of my lack of experience in social work. How could I get experience in social work, without being professionally trained? Surprisingly easily! Turning my back upon social work education, I enrolled instead on a postgraduate social policy course that involved a very limited amount of (entirely unsupervised) practice. I did some of the fieldwork interviewing for a Master’s student who was writing a dissertation on loneliness amongst elderly people in York, and spent two weeks helping on a summer play scheme for children in one of York’s most run-down housing estates. Armed with this additional experience, and before I knew the outcome of my course, I set about applying to local authorities for a social work position. I had no difficulty in obtaining one. North Yorkshire County Council offered me a post as a social work assistant, and Solihull Metropolitan Borough Council were so keen to retain my services that they were prepared to offer my wife (a newly qualified teacher) a job as the teacher-in-charge of a residential unit for young people. But Birmingham provided the best offer. I could be a social worker, rather than a social work assistant and so could my wife. The area I was to work in extended from the red light district of Balsall Heath, through the crumbling, multi-occupancy housing of Small Heath, out into the alienated Irish community of Sparkhill (this followed the Birmingham pub bombing of 1974), and included the dynamic East African Asian community of Sparkbrook and the quiet suburbs of Hall Green, behind whose shrubs and curtains were housed elderly people struggling with loneliness, dementia and ill mental health. During my first six months, I tackled child protection investigations and received two children into care, placing them in a rather gloomy children’s home in the Malvern Hills. I intervened when neighbours complained of the erratic and threatening behaviour of an elderly lady with mental health difficulties. I provided financial support to families who couldn’t pay their bills and offered advice on parenting. At the end of six months, I passed my probationary period, and was appointed a

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Mental Welfare Officer under the 1959 Mental Health Act. I assisted with two compulsory admissions to psychiatric hospitals and undertook a number of mental state assessments. I represented children in the Birmingham Juvenile Court, received yet more children into care and moved an elderly lady from her cherished home in Balsall Heath to a modern elderly people’s home on the outskirts of the city and watched her die a week later. And I did all this without any professional training, beyond the occasional one-day in-service workshop. In the summer of 1976, my wife and I moved south to Oxfordshire. She took up her teaching career and I applied for and obtained another social work post. For the next two years, I carried a large caseload of increasingly complex child care, mental health and learning disability situations: children in the care system; child protection investigations; acting as a children’s guardian (guardian ad litem) in contested adoption cases; children with severe disabilities; truancy linked to sexual abuse, and much else beside. It was a policy of the team that I worked in not to discriminate between qualified and unqualified staff in terms of the complexity of the work allocated to them, since taking on more complex work was deemed to be ‘good for your personal development’. Finally, in 1978, Oxfordshire Social Services Department decided that I now had enough experience for me to require professional training, and I was seconded to do so. My experience, of doing the work of a social worker in all its complexity for several years prior to undertaking any formal professional training, was typical of social workers of my generation. Indeed, historically, this is how all social work education started (Healy, 2001). In the early days of the social work profession, short courses, in-service training and rapidly devised courses in settlements, colleges and universities were the commonest approach to training and education, and lie at the roots of contemporary programmes of education. However, outside the United Kingdom, these early, short courses developed rapidly into formal Schools of Social Work, offering two- and three-year programmes of professional education prior to students entering the workforce. Whilst initially such courses may have been located at secondary education level, as the century unfolded they became recast as university level programmes, at bachelor’s degree level. Schools of Social Work were established in Belgium by 1922; in the Czech Republic (then Czechoslovakia) by 1918; in Denmark by 1934 and in Estonia by 1935 (Campanini, Frost, 2004). Many other examples of early foundations exist; however, it is clear that, from a very early stage, the concept of a professional education which required extensive prior study at an academic and vocational level before beginning in practice became strongly rooted. Not only that, but the concentration of social work

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education at secondary and tertiary education levels led naturally to the expectation that candidates would enter such professional education directly from school and thus be younger, they would possess limited life and work experience, but would have academic qualifications appropriate to the level of study required. Is it possible to identify why this particular pattern of professional education for social work became so deeply rooted across Europe? It is, of course, dangerous to generalise across an entire continent, as Walter Lorenz has often reminded us. Social work, and professional education for social work, is intimately shaped by the history of the nation in which it is practiced, and by the development of individual welfare regimes (Lorenz, 2006). Wherever a broad general trend can be discerned, there are likely to be exceptions, qualifications and unique circumstances. Despite this, four key elements seem to characterise the trends identified above: 10.1 The identification of social work as a career for women In a thorough historical overview of the early development of social work in Eastern Europe, Dagmar Schultz argues as follows (Schilde, Schulte, 2005, pp. 281-2):
In all countries, women and women’s organisations played an important role during the process of professionalisation […]. One important indicator of professionalisation is vocational education. As the women’s movement all over Europe and Eastern Europe also claimed the social field to be a female concern, and since the women’s movement was always interested in allowing access for women into the labour market, social work as a profession was often defined as a female one, even, besides teaching and nursing as “the” female profession.

Historical case studies in Schilde and Schulte (2005) and elsewhere (e.g. Healy, 2001) bear out this complex relationship, whereby the identification of social work as a career especially suited to women led to early demands for the occupation of social work to be established on a secure professional basis, whilst simultaneously adopting rigorous vocational training which in turn would become a route into higher education for younger women. Hamalainen (2003) also describes the powerful influence the women’s movement had upon the development of social work in Germany, an influence she claims led directly to the development of a system of schools of social work for women under the influence of Alice Saloman and others (p. 74).

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10.2 The role of religious organisations A second factor in the early development of professional social work education across Europe was the involvement of denominational religious groups. Schilde and Schulte comment on the critical role played by Jewish organisations (2005, p. 280), although this was abruptly curtailed by the rise of fascism and the Holocaust. Elsewhere, the critical role of Christian denominational groups is emphasised. For example, in Denmark (Mason, 2004, p. 46):
In 1934, Alfred T. Jorgenson started the first school [of social work] under the auspices of FFF, a philanthropic church union. Jorgenson was particularly concerned about the way in which the secular state was taking over the church’s traditional role as social welfare provider.

Jorgenson’s curriculum combined the basic skills of social intervention with the principles of biblical philanthropy, and although initial courses were only three months long, it helped lay the foundations for more extensive tertiary education courses combining aspects of social work and of theological education. Further examples are described in Hungary by Fruttus (Fruttus, Mucsi, 2004, pp. 103-4) and in Greece by Papathanasiou (2004, p. 96). 10.3 State recognition of social work as a profession A third factor seems to have been the early recognition of social work in its varied forms and nomenclature, as a fully fledged profession in many European countries. Legal recognition of social work generally took place during and immediately after the Second World War, with Denmark recognising the profession as early as 1940, Belgium in 1946 and Greece relatively late in 1959. Recognition was broadly affected by the rise and fall of fascism and the particular experience of Soviet authority in Eastern Europe. However, whatever the specific date of recognition, it has usually been followed by educational reorganisation that has formalised both the curriculum and delivery of professional social work education. 10.4 The emergence of the Universities of Applied Sciences A further factor that has been associated with the development of a higher (as opposed to secondary) education route for social work, especially

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in the German, Dutch and Flemish speaking countries, has been the development of the Universities of Applied Sciences (Fachhochschule or hogschole). These institutions, which largely came into existence during the late 1960s and 1970s, have provided an institutional framework for the development of social work education, without the need to establish itself in the traditional universities where it might not have been considered sufficiently academically rigorous to be encouraged to develop (Friesenhahn, Ehlert, 2004, p. 87). Taking these four factors together (and bearing in mind Lorenz’s warning about the dangers of generalisation), they have resulted in a broadly common pattern in which entry to social work education is available on completion of secondary education and provided at bachelor’s level, (although many students go on to study at master’s and doctoral level). As a consequence, not only are new entrants to the social work profession generally young, the key motivational factors behind selecting such students are their academic ability and their readiness to develop practice skills. Thus, when Hackett and his colleagues conducted a comparative study of new entrants to social work education in 2003 (Hackett et al., 2003, p. 167), they found that the mean age upon entry in Slovenia was 20, and in Finland and Germany it was 23. This compared with a mean age on entry in the United Kingdom of 28. This general convergence across Europe of what I call “pre-entry” professional education for social workers led to the full inclusion of social work in the 1989 EU Directive on the mutual recognition of professional qualifications, which recognised the normal pattern of education being the “two-cycle” higher education pattern of 3-year bachelor’s degree followed by 2-year master’s. The exception to this rule was the United Kingdom, which derogated from the 1989 Directive and proposed to include social work education in the later 1992 Directive on the mutual recognition of vocational qualifications. How did the UK come to be so out of step? Firstly, it is important to note that none of the factors previously identified as leading to the development of professional social work education in Europe seem to have been at play in the United Kingdom. Whilst the social work workforce has always been predominantly female, this has often been viewed as problematic rather than a cause for celebration and there have been no natural alliances between the women’s movement and the social work profession (quite the opposite at times). Likewise, although there is a tradition of denominational social work agencies in the United Kingdom, there is no tradition of church-based universities or colleges for social work education, unlike those for the training of teachers. Neither could the profession call upon earlier state recognition of social work, as this was not forthcoming until

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protection of title (under Section 61 of the Care Standards Act, 2000) came into effect on 1st April, 2005. Nor has the UK had any tradition of Universities of Applied Sciences, and until 1990, social work education in its varied forms was spread between established universities, polytechnics, colleges of higher education and colleges of further education, and awards were made at different levels from the equivalent of the first year of degree study, all the way up to master’s levels. The practice of employing social workers without appropriate qualifications and/or training is, however, deeply rooted in the UK social work tradition (Younghusband, 1978). Whilst there are examples of training courses and programmes going back to the very earliest social work practice at the end of the nineteenth century, these were patchy, in-service courses that only reached a tiny proportion of those staff who worked in social work positions (Younghusband, 1981). During the inter-war years, growth in professional training was largely restricted to psychiatric social workers in child guidance clinics and medical social workers, and the training framework was predominantly psychoanalytic in orientation, or based upon American social casework methods. Both schools of thought relied heavily on the notion that trainees were already experienced practitioners with sound prior academic backgrounds (Yelloly, 1980). Modern social work services in the UK were developed in the crucible of the Second World War, and in particular, during the experience of evacuation (Holman, 1995, 2001). The evacuation drew heavily upon existing residential and fostering provision that was then expanded rapidly. Existing social workers, mainly employed by local authority education committees, alongside the major voluntary organisations, were diverted into the evacuation effort, and the pool of available workers expanded rapidly by drawing upon the pool of upper and middle class female social science graduates, predominantly from Oxford and Cambridge, who combined organisational skills with an academic understanding of the needs of children and families and could apply these skills and understanding to the task of evacuation and ‘boardingout’. After the war, with the development of the new local government Children’s, Health and Welfare Departments, there was some differentiation over how training was to be developed. The Children’s Departments continued to recruit older workers with substantial work experience and (often) prior academic backgrounds in social science; relying upon the secondment of experienced staff to specialist, and (later) more generic training, initially in London, and latterly, around the country. Despite this growth in training, by the time the Children’s Departments came to an end in 1971, only 42% of staff were professionally qualified (Younghusband, 1978; Hall, 1976).

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Psychiatric social workers, especially those working in child guidance, continued to prize psychoanalytic and casework training, as did medical social workers, and as with child care officers, they relied heavily on post-experience secondment for professional training. Social workers in the Health and Welfare Departments tended not to take up professional training at all. The ethos of these departments was much more closely related to that of the rest of local government, relying heavily on procedural approaches with limited opportunities for professional discretion and judgement. At the time of the development of the new Social Services Departments in 1971, only approximately 4% of Welfare Department staff held a professional qualification in social work (Hall, 1976; Satyamurti, 1981). This situation was aggravated by the rapid growth of the new departments from 1971 to 1974 (10% per annum), which far exceeded the capacity of the universities and colleges that were developing the new two-year Certificate of Qualification in Social Work. By 1974, just 39% of social workers in social services departments held a professional qualification in social work and departments were reliant on heavy programmes of the secondment of existing staff to try to boost the percentage of qualified staff (Hall, 1976). But it was not just practicalities and history that inhibited the development of professional education for social workers; there was also a developing difference of opinion on the value, or otherwise, of professional status for social workers. Earlier social workers had seen professional training, professional discretion and professional status as a worthy goal for social work (however difficult to achieve). Under the impact of Marxist thought, radical social workers in the early 1970s argued that professional status was a conspiracy against the working class, and argued for the end of professional elitism, and the positive valuing of the experience of potential social workers coming from non-traditional and oppressed groups (Bailey, Brake, 1978; Corrigan, Leonard, 1978). For a period, social work became effectively a job that you did (particularly a local authority job that you did) rather than a profession that you entered (Hall, 1976; Younghusband, 1978; Payne, 2006). Marxist radicals were not the only people asking questions about the professional status of social workers (Payne, 2006). Whilst there had been criticism of the professional pretensions of social work since Wootton (1959), this really took off in the 1980s. Brewer and Lait in their widely read text Can Social Work Survive? (1980) systematically critiqued the knowledge base of social work, whilst influential figures in and around the Thatcher government (1979-90) challenged the assumed political orientation of social work. Patrick Jenkin (Secretary of State for Social Services between 1979 and

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1981) claimed, when setting up the Barclay Committee in 1981, not to be able to tell the difference between social workers and socialist workers. Virginia Bottomley (Secretary of State for Health between 1992 and 1995), despite having been a social worker herself, argued that the essential skills of a social worker were likely to be best found in «street-wise grannies». This critique of social work formed part of the Thatcherite commitment to reducing the role of the welfare state, re-emphasising the moral responsibility of the individual and restricting the power of the professions to challenge the government. It was under this sustained ideological assault that the reform of social work education took place in 1986. This resulted in the merger of the Certificate of Qualification in Social Work (CQSW), largely full-time and university-based, with the Certificate in Social Services (CSS), largely parttime and further education college-based, into a new diploma in social work (DipSW), and this new qualification saw a number of factors come together to confirm the UK preference for post-experience education. Firstly, the DipSW retained the idea developed in the CSS that practice skills should be taught by experienced practitioners in the workplace and not by university or college-based staff. Secondly, the regulations for the award required a minimum age on qualification of 21, ruling out the possibility of school leavers moving straight on to social work education. Thirdly, the Central Council for Education and Training in Social Work (the regulatory body) adopted a policy of widening participation as part of its commitment to anti-discriminatory practice, and encouraged courses to recruit from groups and communities that were under-represented in higher education. The resulting profile of social work students was biased towards students who were older with several years’ experience in “care” careers and from predominantly non-academic backgrounds. Whilst, of course, individual students varied widely, the overall group profile resulted in the development of a number of key features in UK social work education. Firstly, a significant proportion of students struggled with academic work, including basic literacy and numeracy, and found the development of conceptual, analytic and reflective thinking hard to attain. Alongside this, the teaching of the knowledge base of social work and its application to practice tended to be thought of as difficult, obscure and often irrelevant. Secondly, the key learning experience was seen to be contained in the practice placements, and to consist essentially of learning how to carry out the social work task in the social work agency. Effectively, these developments taken together amounted to the de-professionalisation of social work education, and it is in this context that we need to see both the government’s decision to derogate from the 1989 EU Directive, and its relegation of social work education to a post-entry vocational award along-

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side the developing framework of National Vocational Qualifications for other members of the social care workforce. It is not, therefore, surprising that in the early 1990s, professional social work education in the United Kingdom differed comprehensively from the dominant trends across the rest of Europe and was producing a very different workforce: older, less academically able, with a strong preference for practical skills and life experience over intellectual and academic ability. This was not the only difference, as Lymbery and others have commented in their study of regulatory frameworks, but it was particularly significant as it resulted in the UK social work qualification not being recognised by the rest of the EU, inhibiting job mobility. Since 1997, there has been a reversal in the direction of social work education in the United Kingdom. Whilst some of the factors leading to this change are domestic and arise from general concerns about poor professional practice, others arise directly from a greater willingness to learn from the European mainstream. This change in direction began with the adoption of the social chapter of the Maastricht treaty in 1997. A review of social work education began in 1999 and resulted in a new framework coming into effect in 2002 which was aimed by the UK government at addressing the perceived weaknesses of social work education. These included: – raising the level of academic attainment by setting higher entry criteria in literacy and numeracy; – broadening the academic curriculum and doubling the amount of time spent on the study of the social work knowledge base; – broadening the age range of students entering social work education by allowing 18-year-olds to enter direct from school and encouraging applications through the provision of bursaries. Although not explicitly addressed in the official guidance from the Department of Health when the new degree was launched, the desirability of bringing UK professional social work education into a position where it was mutually recognised by other EU nations was part of the background agenda (QAA, 2000) and over the last three years, progress has been made. Analysis of the first three entry cohorts at the University of Gloucestershire (2003-2005) since the new degree programmes were launched suggests that whilst changes in the profile of the student group is slow, nevertheless there is a steady increase in younger (18-/19-year-old) students with higher academic attainments but more limited experience both of social work/social care and of the workplace generally. As this process continues, it will gradually put the intake of the social work profession on a par with the intake of other professional social work courses across Europe. This progress towards a shared understanding of what constitutes professional social work education has been undertaken in a developing context of

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interest in UK government circles of the value of the broader European tradition. Alongside a general commitment to the Bologna process, and the development of a post-qualifying framework for social work that will, over the next few years, lead to the full development of a two-cycle approach to social work education in line with the 1989 directive, there has been emphasis at every level on the importance of learning from the European tradition. Most significant has been the long-running government-funded research programmes aimed at learning from the European social pedagogy tradition (Moss, Petrie, 2002; Petrie, 2003) and their potential application to childcare practice, especially where children are living away from home, where UK standards are widely acknowledged to fall short of best European practice (DFES, 2006). In summary, I have argued in this chapter for the existence of two approaches to social work education across Europe. One of these, the earliest historical tradition, focused on the provision of post-entry education and training for mature, experienced candidates; the other focused on the development of pre-entry tertiary professional education completed prior to moving into professional practice. I have argued that, over time, the first approach produces an older, less academically able but more mature workforce; whilst the latter produces a younger, more academically able but less experienced workforce. I have further argued that the broad European trend has, for the better part of a century, been characterised by the pre-entry model; whilst the UK has hung on until very recently to a post-entry model. So what?, you may ask. I am acutely conscious that it may be only UK educators and practitioners (like myself) for whom this is even an interesting question to ask, since it is only us who have hung on to the older model. But for us, and I speak from experience, the rapid changes we are currently experiencing as we rejoin the European mainstream pose challenges that we have not faced up to before and we will need to learn more from European colleagues in the years ahead. Manthorpe and her colleagues put it like this (Manthorpe et al., 2005):
In our view, British social work educators and researchers should encourage European colleagues to assist us in developing the new degree but also act as critical friends. At a time when many UK educators will be subsumed by the multiple demands of developing new programmes of study, and many institutions will be coping with expanded numbers of students, it will perhaps be a difficult balancing act to devote energy to internal matters and external relationships simultaneously, [but] the value of comparative study is that it helps us to ask questions, to see that alternatives exist and challenges our prejudices.

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Now at least we are starting from a set of common basic assumptions about the nature of social work education without which completion of the Bologna process was simply not possible. Bibliography
BAILEY R., BRAKE M. (1975), Radical Social Work, Edward Arnold, London. BREWER C., LAIT J. (1980), Can Social Work Survive?, Smith, London. CAMPANINI A., FROST E. (eds.) (2004), European Social Work. Commonalities and

Differences, Carocci, Roma.
CORRIGAN P., LEONARD P. (1978), Social Work Practice under Capitalism, Macmil-

lan, Basingstoke.
DFES - DEPARTMENT FOR EDUCATION AND SKILLS (2006), Care Matters: Transform-

ing the Lives of Children and Young People in Care, The Stationery Office, London. FRIESENHAHN G., EHLERT G. (2004), Germany, in Campanini, Frost (2004). FRUTTUS L., MUCSI Z. (2004), Hungary, in Campanini, Frost (2004). HACKETT S. et al. (2003), The Motivation, Professional Development and Identity of Social Work Students in Four European Countries, in “European Journal of Social Work”, vol. 6, 2, pp. 163-78. HALL P. (1976), Reforming the Welfare, Heinemann, London. HAMALAINEN J . (2003), The Concept of Social Pedagogy in the Field of Social Work, in “Journal of Social Work”, vol. 3, 1, pp. 69-80. HEALY L. (2001), International Social Work: Professional Action in an Interdependent World, Oxford University Press, Oxford. HOLMAN B. (1995), The Evacuation: A Great British Revolution, Lion Books, Oxford. ID. (2001), Champions for Children, Policy Press, Bristol. LORENZ W. (2006), Perspectives on European Social Work: From the Birth of the Nation State to the Impact of Globalisation, Barbara Budrich, Opladen. LYMBERY M. et al. (2000), The Control of British Social Work Education: European Comparisons, in “European Journal of Social Work”, vol. 3, 3, pp. 269-82. MANTHORPE J. et al. (2005), The Evaluation of the New Social Work Degree Qualification in England: Wider Perspectives, in “European Journal of Social Work”, vol. 8, 3, pp. 343-6. MASON T. (2004), Denmark, in Campanini, Frost (2004). MOSS P., PETRIE P. (2002), From Children’s Services to Children’s Spaces: Public Policy, Children and Childhood, Routledge Farmer, London. PAPATHANASIOU M. (2004), Greece, in Campanini, Frost (2004). PAYNE M. (2006), What is Professional Social Work?, Policy Press, Bristol. PETRIE P. (2003), Coming to Terms with Pedagogy: Reconceptualising Work with Children, in B. Littlechild, K. Lyons (eds.), Locating the Occupational Space for Social Work: International Perspectives, Venture Press, Birmingham. QAA - QUALITY ASSURANCE AGENCY FOR HIGHER EDUCATION (2000), Subject

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Benchmark Statement for Social Policy and Administration and Social Work, http://www.qaa.ac.uk/academicinfrastructure/benchmark/honours/socialwork.pdf (Accessed 07.11.2006). SATYAMURTI C. (1981), Occupational Survival: The Case of the Local Authority Social Worker, Basil Blackwell, Oxford. SCHILDE K., SCHULTE D. (eds.) (2005), Need and Care: Glimpses into the Beginnings of Eastern Europe’s Professional Welfare, Barbara Budrich, Opladen. WOOTTON B . (1959), Social Science and Social Pathology, George Allen and Unwin, London. YELLOLY M. (1980), Social Work Theory and Psychoanalysis, Van Nostrand Reinhold, Wokingham. YOUNGHUSBAND E. (1978), Social Work in Britain 1950-1975: A Follow-up Study, , George Allen and Unwin, London. ID. (1981), The Newest Profession: A Short History of Social Work, IPC Business Press, Sutton.

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Authors’ Biographical Details

TOMASA BÁÑEZ@PhD,

is a Social Worker and Social Anthropologist, who lectures on Social Work at the University of Zaragoza (Spain). Her research interests include: community work, gender and social work. e-mail: [email protected] is Professor and President of the Degree in Social Work at the University of Calabria, Italy. She is co-ordinator of the Thematic Network EUSW, A European Platform for Worldwide Social Work. Her research interests include: social work education in Europe, systemic approaches in family therapy, evaluation in social work practice. e-mail: [email protected]

ANNAMARIA CAMPANINI@PhD,

PETER DELLGRAN@PhD, is Professor of Social Work at Göteborg University (Institutionen för socialt arbete, Göteborgs universitet). His research interests include: informal social support, knowledge in social work, and the link between organization and professionalization. e-mail: [email protected] GUDRUN EHLERT@PhD, is a Social Worker and Social Scientist. She is also Professor for Sciences of Social Work at the University of Applied Sciences in Mittweida/Rosswein (Germany). Her research interests include: professionalization of social work, gender and social work. e-mail: [email protected] VINCENZO FORTUNATO@PhD, is a Researcher of Economic Sociology and Lecturer in Organizational Sociology at the Faculty of Political Sciences (Department of Sociology), University of Calabria, Italy. His research interests include: the organization of social services in the Italian context and the organization and structure of the third sector within the welfare state at both national and international levels. e-mail: [email protected] ELIZABETH FROST@DPhil, is Principal Lecturer in Social Work, Faculty of Health and Social Care, at the University of the West of England, Bristol, UK. Her research interests include: theory for social work, identity theory, and young people in consumer cultures. e-mail: [email protected]

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STAFFAN HÖJER@PhD, is Associate Professor in Social Work at Göteborg University (Institutionen för socialt arbete, Göteborgs universietet). His research interests include: issues related to professionalization, organization and knowledge in social work. e-mail: [email protected] GRETE OLINE HOLE@RN, Cand. Polit., is Assistant Professor and Research Fellow of the Center for Evidence-Based Practice/Department of Nursing at Høgskolen i Bergen. Her research interests include: use of ICT in learning, higher education didactic, professional development, learning communities. e-mail: [email protected]

¯ EGLE KATILIUTE@PhD,

is a Lecturer at the School of Social Work, Vytautas Magnus University (Socialinio darbo institutas, Vytauto Didziojo universitetas). Research interests include: educational management, quality of the study process, social and educational policy. e-mail: [email protected]

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SANNA LÄ[email protected]., is the Coordinator of the Finnish National University Network for Social Work (Lapin yliopisto, Sosiaalityön laitos). Her research interests include: social work education, education policy, constructive learning in social work education. e-mail: [email protected] ANNE KARIN LARSEN@Sosionom/Cand.San. (MA in Health Psychology and Health Promotion), is Assistant Professor at the Department of Health and Social Science Høgskolen i Bergen. Her research interests include: situated learning, use of ICT in professional development, interprofessional cooperation. e-mail: [email protected] M. ASUNCIÓN MARTÍNEZ-ROMÁN@PhD, is Professor and Head of the Department of Social Work and Social Services at the Universidad de Alicante, Spain. Her research interests include: poverty, social exclusion and social policies; gender, health, and disability inequalities; intergenerational solidarity; education and training for social work. e-mail: [email protected] KLAS-GÖRAN OLSSON@is

a Social Worker and a Lecturer at the Department of Behaviour Sciences and Social Work, in the School of Health Sciences, Jönköping University, Sweden. His research interests include: social policy, the social legislations, preventive social work. e-mail: [email protected]

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CARSTEN OTTE@is a Sociologist and Social worker, and retired professor from the

University of Applied Sciences, School of Social Work, Mannheim, Germany. His research interests include: welfare systems in an international comparative perspective, organizational aspects of social work, urban development, social work in schools. e-mail: [email protected]
NICK PIKE@is

a Principal Lecturer in Social Work at the University of Gloucestershire, England. His research interests include: social work practice with disabled children. e-mail: [email protected]

ANNELI POHJOLA@PhD, is Professor in Social Work, at the University of Lapland (Lapin yliopisto, Sosiaalityön laitos). Her research interests include: social work education, applied information technology in social welfare, life course research, social work clientele, welfare in periphery. e-mail: [email protected]

is Vice Dean and Lecturer within the Faculty of Management and Administration at the Institute of Panevezys, Department of Kaunas University of Technology (Vadybos ir Administravimo fakultetas, Panevezio institutas). Her research interests include: contemporary educational techniques and their application; reflexive education. e-mail: [email protected]
MARITTA TÖRRÖNEN@PhD, is Professor in Social Work at the University of Helsin-

¯ B R I G I TA S TA N I K U N I E N E@PhD,

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ki (Helsingin yliopisto, Yhteiskuntapolitiikan laitos). Her research interests include: child research, child welfare, family research, social work. e-mail: [email protected]
RIITTA VORNANEN@PhD, is a Professor in Social Work at the University of Kuopio (Kuopion yliopisto, Sosiaalityön ja sosiaalipedagogiikan laitos). Her research interests include: social work with children and young people, insecurity and risks, and cooperation among child welfare organisations. e-mail: [email protected] VILMA ZYDZIUNAITE@PhD,

is Associate Professor at the School of Social Work, Vytautas Magnus University (Socialinio darbo institutas, Vytauto Didziojo universitetas). Her research interests include: the combining of quantitative and qualitative research methodologies, teamwork and key competencies, professional philosophy and identity of social professions, reflexive learning. e-mail: [email protected]

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