Sound and Sentiment, 30th Anniversary Edition, by Steven Feld

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Sound and Sentiment  Birds, Weeping, Poetics, and Song in Kaluli Expression   

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                            Accept All

                    

 

󰁓󰁯󰁵󰁮󰁤 󰁡󰁮󰁤 󰁓󰁥󰁮󰁴󰁩󰁭󰁥󰁮󰁴

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Sound and Sentiment  Birds, Weeping, Poetics, and Song  in Kaluli Expression 󰁔󰁨󰁩󰁲󰁤 󰁅󰁤󰁩󰁴󰁩󰁯󰁮

Steven Feld 󰁔󰁨󰁩󰁲󰁴󰁩󰁥󰁴󰁨 󰁁󰁮󰁮󰁩󰁶󰁥󰁲󰁳󰁡󰁲󰁹 󰁅󰁤󰁩󰁴󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁷󰁩󰁴󰁨 󰁡 󰁎󰁥󰁷 󰁉󰁮󰁴󰁲󰁯󰁤󰁵󰁣󰁴󰁩󰁯󰁮

Duke University Press Durham & London  󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀲

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© 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀲, 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰 Steven Feld “Introduction to tthe he Tird Edition” © 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀲 Steven Feld  All rights reserved reser ved Printed in the United States of America  on acid-free acid-free paper ∞

Library of Congress Cataloging-inCataloging-in-Publication Data Feld, Steven. Sound and sentiment : birds, and song in Kaluli expression / Steven S teven Feld. weeping, — 󰀳rd ed.;poetics, thirtieth anniversary  ed. with a new introduction. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 󰀹󰀷󰀸-󰀰-󰀸󰀲󰀲󰀳-󰀵󰀳󰀶󰀵-󰀲 (pbk. : alk. paper) 󰀱. Kaluli (Papua New Guinean people)—Social life and customs. 󰀲. Kaluli (P (Papua apua New Guinean people)—Rites and ceremonies. 󰀳. Kaluli (Papua New Guinean p people)—Music— eople)—Music— History and criticism. 󰀴. F Folk olk music—Papu music—Papuaa New Guinea— History and criticism. 󰀵. Folk Folk songs, Kaluli Kaluli—Papua —Papua N New  ew  Guinea—History and criticism. 󰀶. Birds—Mythology—Papua  New Guinea. 󰀷. Birds—Papua New Guinea. I. itle. DU󰀷󰀴󰀰.󰀴󰀲.F󰀴󰀴 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀲  󰀳󰀰󰀵.󰀸󰀹'󰀹󰀱󰀲—dc󰀲󰀳 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀲󰀰󰀲󰀴󰀶󰀹󰀶

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   oo the boy who became a muni  bird  bird and in memory memor y of Charlie Parker, John Coltrane, and Charles Mingus, ane kalu ɔbɛ mise 

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󰁃󰁯󰁮󰁴󰁥󰁮󰁴󰁳

       

List of Illustrations   Acknowledgments   Introduction to the Tird Edition  Preface to the Second Edition 

Edition     Introduction to the First Edition 󰀱. Te Boy Who Became a Muni  Bird 󰀲. o You You Tey Are Birds, B irds, to t o Me M e Tey Are Voices in the Forest  󰀳. Weeping Tat Moves Women to Song  󰀴. Te Poetics of Loss and Abandonment  󰀵. Song Tat Moves Men to ears 󰀶. In the Form of a Bird: Kaluli Aesthetics Postscript, Postscri pt, 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀹

󰀴󰀴 󰀸󰀶 󰀱󰀳󰀰 󰀱󰀶󰀳 󰀲󰀱󰀷  󰀲󰀳󰀹

         

󰀲󰀶󰀹 󰀲󰀷󰀹 󰀲󰀸󰀴 󰀲󰀹󰀳 󰀲󰀹󰀹

 Appendix: Kaluli Folk Folk Ornithology   Glossary of Kaluli erms erms  References   Index   Additional Resources 

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ix  xi xiii xxxix 

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󰀳 󰀲󰀰

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󰁉󰁌󰁌󰁕󰁓󰁔󰁒󰁁󰁔󰁉󰁏󰁎󰁓

Figures        

󰀱. muni —Beautiful —Beautiful Fruitdove (Ptilinopus pulchellus) 󰀲. Overview of Kaluli folk ornithology 󰀳.  gušuwa—Little Cassowary (Casuarius bennetti ) 󰀴. alin—Great Goura (Goura scheepmakeri )

󰀳󰀲 󰀴󰀸–󰀴󰀹 󰀵󰀰 󰀵󰀱

󰀵. obei —Papuan —Papuan Hornbill ( Aceros plicatus ) 󰀶. ɔlon— Raggiana Raggiana Bird of Paradise (Paradisaea raggiana) 󰀷. tibodai —Crested —Crested Pitohui (Pitohui cristatus) 󰀸. amo—Sulphur—Sulphur-crested crested Cockatoo (Cacatua galerita) 󰀹. bɔlo—Helmeted Friarbird (Philemon novaeguineae ) 󰀱󰀰. bɔlo—Brown Oriole (Oriolus szalayi ) 󰀱󰀱. nene —Chanting —Chanting Scrubwren (Crateroscelis murina) 󰀱󰀲. w ɔkwele  ɔkwele —Giant —Giant Cuckoodove (Reinwardtoena reinwardtsi ) 󰀱󰀳. Phrase elaboration in sasa- yɛlab  yɛlab  󰀱󰀴. Place names in Hane sulɔ’s sa- yɛlab for Bibiali 󰀱󰀵. Te sob  󰀱󰀶. Gisalo song schematic 󰀱󰀷. Gisalo melodic organization 󰀱󰀸. Gisalo temporal organization 󰀱󰀹. Place Pl ace names in Sɛyo’ Sɛyo’ss song at Nagebɛdɛn

                             

󰀵󰀴 󰀵󰀵 󰀶󰀳 󰀶󰀹 󰀷󰀷  󰀷󰀸 󰀸󰀰 󰀸󰀳 󰀱󰀰󰀴 󰀱󰀲󰀲 󰀱󰀷󰀲 󰀱󰀸󰀴 󰀱󰀸󰀶 󰀱󰀸󰀶 󰀱󰀹󰀳

Map  Te Great Papuan Plateau

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󰀸

ix 

 

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󰁉 󰁬 󰁬 󰁵 󰁳󰁴 󰁲󰁡 󰁲󰁡󰁴 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮 󰁳 Plates

󰀱. Aerial view of the Great Papuan Plateau and the Bosavi airstrip

󰀴

               

󰀲. A Kaluli communal longhouse 󰀳. Mt. Bosavi 󰀴. A group of Kaluli children 󰀵. Gisa, Hedɔ, and old Yafolumi watchi watching ng pig butchering butcher ing and cooking 󰀶. Gaso of Bonɔ dressed in a kɔluba costume 󰀷. Dancer seen as a “man in the form of a bird” 󰀸. Sound and Sentiment  mailing label 󰀹. Kili Kiliyɛ yɛ and the author witness the arrival of Sound and Sentiment , July 󰀱, 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀲

󰀵 󰀱󰀲 󰀲󰀶 󰀶󰀷  following p. 󰀲󰀳󰀶 follow following ing p. 󰀲󰀳󰀶 󰀲󰀴󰀲 󰀲󰀴󰀳

   ables ables  able  able 󰀲–󰀱. Food taboos taboos,, spells, and curses  able  able 󰀲–󰀲. Bird feather usage  able  able 󰀲–󰀳. Bird sound categories  able  able 󰀳–󰀱. Weeping terminology terminology and contrasts  able  able 󰀳–󰀲. Expressive w weeping eeping

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󰀶󰀴 󰀷󰀰 󰀷󰀴–󰀷󰀵 󰀹󰀰 󰀹󰀵

󰁁󰁃󰁋󰁎󰁏󰁗󰁌󰁅󰁄󰁇󰁍󰁅󰁎󰁔󰁓 Many people helped make this study possible, and it is a pleasure to thank them here. My greatest debt is to the Kaluli people, particularly those of Sululib, for their comradery and trust. While I often think of times I spent  with Kiliyɛ, Sɛlibi, Gaima, Gaso, Gigio, Hasili, Mewɔ, Ɛsiyɛ, G Ganigi, anigi, Gɔbɔ, Gaso sulɔ, and Ulahi, I must single out Kulu and Jubi, two Kaluli Kalu li intellectuals and sensitive companions whose thoughts contribute to almost every page of the text. I greatly look forward to future times we will share.   Arrival in unknown places amidst numerous technical and practical difficulties is a part of every fieldworker’s experience; I was fortunate in having  Antje and Bill Clarke in Port Moresby Mo resby,, Ivor Manton in Mount Hagen, and Keith and Norma Briggs at Mount Bosavi to help make my transitions comfortable. I appreciated their hospitality so much during the times I was most frantic.   Field support during 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀶–󰀷󰀷 was provided by the Institute of Papua New Guinea Studies, and I am grateful to its former director Ulli Beier and music archivist, Frederic Duvelle, for their interest in my research. Te Papua New Guinea Bird Society and particularly Harry Bell, Bill Peckover, and  John for Hansen generously aided myfrom ornithological work. I am also grateful to the support he arranged the National Broadcasting Commission and its echnical echnical Services S ervices Division. Other field support was provided by the Anthropology Film Center, the Archives of raditional Music, and my family; my thanks to them all.   When I returned from the field, Carroll and Joan Williams made the  Anthropology Film Center the right kind of environment for me to begin putting the pieces together. Performance during the same period with the  xi

 

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󰁁 󰁣 󰁫 󰁮󰁯 󰁮󰁯󰁷 󰁷 󰁬 󰁥 󰁤 󰁧 󰁭 󰁥 󰁮 󰁴󰁳

 ranscultural Minstrel Jass Band  ranscultural Band and om Guralnick gave me an important Analyticsoutlet to express many new things I was hearing.   Sound and Sentiment  was   was first formulated as a dissertation in anthroSave Accept All pological linguistics at Indiana University in 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀹. For the fellowship that supported my graduate work, I am deeply grateful to the Danforth Foun-

dation. As an undergraduate Sam Leff, Alexander Lesser, Gerry Rosenfeld, Gitel Steed, and Colin urnbull brought me into anthropology and d demonemonstrated its relevance to a humane and politically engaged view of contemporary life. Ten Alan Merriam got me started in ethnomusicology, Carl and Flo Voegelin Voegelin drew me into linguistics, Judith Friedman Hansen kept telling me that there is more to culture than structure, and Sol Worth and Robert Plant Armstrong posed some tough questions about communication and aesthetics. Ralph Bulmer and Brent Berlin helped shape my understanding of critical critic al issues in ethnobiology and Kaluli Kal uli natural histor historyy. Allen Grimshaw, Grimshaw, Bonnie Kendall, and Charles Bird got me through the dissertation disser tation and much more; I think of them with the same fondness I usually reserve for Kaluli  waterfalls.   Rewriting and condensing a dissertation has been a long process, one that has benefited considerably considerabl y from Larry Gross’s advice and support, John McGuigan’s careful editorial and Lee Annpatience, Draud. I and can’tthe forget Charlie Keil,attention who cameofupMarta with aWeigle list of materialist counterinterpretations at just the right moment in the revision process. Te reevaluations they prompted have not changed my basic position but did aid the presentation considerably.   Finally, Buck and Bambi Schieffelin walk through these pages with me in a special way; they brought me to Bosavi as a fellow researcher and kinsman and continue to share much research and kinship with me. Other special contributions within are Janis Essner’s maps and diagrams and Mary Groff ’s magical bird drawings. Te last thank you goes to Shari Robertson, whose love and aesthetic agitation made a major contribution during the writing.  Tis study is affectionately affec tionately dedicated to the mythic mythi c figure that animates and links Kaluli sound and sentiment, and to three musicians whose sounds have had a major impact on my life. Philadelphia  September 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀱

 

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󰁉󰁮󰁴󰁲󰁯󰁤󰁵󰁣󰁴󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁴󰁯 󰁴󰁨󰁥 󰁔󰁨󰁩󰁲󰁤 󰁅󰁤󰁩󰁴󰁩󰁯󰁮 It’s been more than thirty-five thirty-five years since I first set foot in Bosavi, and it has been more than ten since my last visit. How can I now position Sound and Sentiment  in  in relation to twenty-five twenty-five years of research visits and the surrounding before and after? How can I re-introduce a book b ook that was once more new and surprising for the anthropology of Papua New Guinea, for the ethnography of expression and emotion, for experimental representation connecting text to sound and image? Te only way to begin is to acknowledge how much has changed since the time of my dissertation (󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀹), the book’s initial publication (󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀲b), and its second edition (󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰a).   Te most radical changes are surely the stark local ones. Many of the people you’ll encounter in these pages are no longer alive, and many of the beliefs, practices, knowledges, rituals, and experiences described are either considerably muted or are no longer believed, practiced, known, performed, or experienced. o a great extent, you’ll you’ ll be reading about past realities in what has become a considerably considerabl y more contentious place, a place w where here the impacts of evangelical missionization and government neglect collided with transnational intrusions to produce varieties of cultural c ultural dissonance that were hard to anticipate in the Bosavi I first came to know in the mid-󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰s. mid- 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰s.   Tat part of the story isn’t isn’t terribly unique to Bosavi or Papua New Guinea. History has had a way of being particularly punishing in oncesmall, remote locales that absorbed in the shock of a mere fifty years of world contacts what other indigenous places and peoples absorbed over the longer course of one to five hundred years of colonial and postcolonial experience. But here the story is equally about a place that has truly become more marginal as it has become more globally connected. And, so, responding to tra jectories of destabilization that are entangled with the desired benefits of  xiii

 

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󰁉 󰁮 󰁴 󰁲 󰁯󰁤 󰁵 󰁣 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮 󰁴󰁯 󰁴 󰁨 󰁥 󰁔 󰁨 󰁩 󰁲 󰁤 󰁅 󰁤󰁩 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮

“development,” Bosavi’s vexed discourses about ab out authority and autonomy can Marketing rapidly bounce between new imaginations of local and national citizenship, Personalization on the one hand, and, on the other, other, nostalgias for an “authentic” once-upononce-uponAnalyticsa-time a-time “culture.”   IfAccept that All weren’t weren’t complicated compli cated enough, Sound and Sentiment  is  is occasionally occasionally Save dragged into the whole affair, affair, variously serving ser ving to entice ecotourists, educate bureaucrats, or enhance local feuds over whose version of “tradition” is to

prevail. Confusing complicities? For sure. But there is no reason to depict recent history as a simple and unidirectional devolutionary slide, nor to depict Kaluli as once-creative once-creative agents who have now been reduced to tristes tropiques   victims in a two-ring two-ring circus of globalization and its local backwaters. No, it is simply and honestly more the challenge chal lenge to always engage the intensity and significance of how “then” became “now.”

Ten and Now  Te field research reported in Sound and Sentiment  dates  dates principally to 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀶– 󰀷󰀷, and the second edition postscript described additional visits in 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀲 and 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀴. After the second edition was published, I made four additional research trips in the 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰s: three with my linguist colleague Bambi B. Schieffelin, largely to work on a Bosavi dictionary dictionar y (B. Schieffelin and Feld 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀸), and one  with my ethnographer colleague Edward L. Schieffelin. Sound and Sentiment    was, of course, deeply informed by the Schieffelins’ research and publications in the 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀰s, 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰s, and 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀰s (detailed in the book’s original references section). And that conversation continues through recent republication of their ethnographic monographs (B. B. Schieffelin 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀵; E. L Schieffelin S chieffelin 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀵), as  well as a stream of publications in the 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰s and 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀰s within the fields of ethnohistory, cultural psychology, and performance (E. L. Schieffelin 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀵, 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀶, 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀷, 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀷, 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀸, 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀶a, 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀶b) and of language change, ideology, ideology, and literacy literac y (B. B. Schieffelin 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀶, 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀰, 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀲, 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀷, 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀸a, 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀸b).   Additionally, Additionally, significant research on the history of contact in the Southern Highlands (Schieffelin and Crittenden 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀱) is now joined by ethnographic studies of immediately contiguous groups: the Kasua and Kamula to the south (Brunois 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀷; Wood 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴); the Onabasulu and Etolo to the north (Ernst 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀹; Kelly 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀳; Dwyer 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰); the Gebusi, Bedamini, Kubo, and Samo to the southwest (Knauft 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀲; Sørum 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀳; Minnegal and Dwyer 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀹; Shaw 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰); and the Faso and Foi to the northeast (Kurita 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀸; Gilberthorpe 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀷; Weiner 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀱). Tis research and writing thickens the historical

 

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Edition 

xv 

and cultural texture of the story told in Sound and Sentiment , despite the fact that there has been no continuing field research in Bosavi since the new milMarketing lennium began, and my colleagues and I only onl y maintain contact now through Personalization the post and satellite phone. Analytics   But to return to “then,” the question I have most often been asked by stuSound and Sentiment  is dents reading  is to locate the most important event that Save Accept All set the tone for life in Bosavi during the years of my first research and since. I have thought about this question often and my answer points to the mo-

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ment that set into motion the most sustained interaction with outsiders and the most sustained set of changes for Bosavi identity discourses. Tat moment came in 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀴, when missionaries of the Unevangelized Fields Mission (U.F.M., later known as the Asia Pacific Christian Mission, or A.P.C.M.), based in the neighboring Lake Kutubu area, spent six months in the Eastern Bosavi region.   Tis was the first continuous contact with an outside force, and it was a signal event in Bosavi history. One of the missionaries, the linguist Murray Rule, prepared a first description descripti on of the Bosavi language, while another, Dick Dick Donaldson, supervised the initial construction of a bush airstrip at a place called Waiyu. When the missionaries recruited laborers to clear the forest there, some Bosavi men were, coincidentally, in the midst of staging s taging a secret initiation lodge nearby. Fearing that their autonomy and particularly their ritual secrets were now substantially threatened, the Bosavi male elders and initiates abandoned the lodge to work on the airstr airstrip. ip. With this act, the institution of male initiation ended in Bosavi.   Despite sporadic and temporary temporar y migration of young men for labor schemes following construction constructio n of the airstrip, Bosavi remained remained distant from the colonial territory of Papua through the rest of the 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀰s. Tis remained true even after the arrival of a resident expatriate missionary family in 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰 and after Papua New Guinea’s Guinea’s independence in 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀵. 󰀱 󰀹󰀷󰀵. Te lack of local roads, of capital infrastructure, infrastr ucture, of government presence, presence, and of development initiatives all kept Bosavi as physically remote and economically marginal to the new nation it had previously been to the colony.in 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀶, one still encoun  Duringasthat period, indeed, when I arrived tered much in the way of local political p olitical and economic autonomy, autonomy, egalitarianism among adult males, and complementary gender roles in Bosavi. Extensive bonds of friendship, obligation, hospitality, and reciprocity were clearly major factors in the local organization of domestic life, local work, ceremonial activities, hunting and gardening, and bridewealth transactions. In these  ways much of social life in Bosavi through the 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀰s and well into i nto the 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰s

 

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󰁉 󰁮 󰁴 󰁲 󰁯󰁤 󰁵 󰁣 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮 󰁴󰁯 󰁴 󰁨 󰁥 󰁔 󰁨 󰁩 󰁲 󰁤 󰁅 󰁤󰁩 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮

could still be reasonably described with sociological terms like “classless” and “small-scale.” “smallscale.” Privacy Policy   But the dramatic changes brought by evangelical missionization rapidly Marketing destabilized autonomy in Bosavi. And with it the ethos that once felt more Personalization egalitarian, classless, clas sless, and small-scale. And shocking as it is to read today, today, AnalyticsDick Donaldson’s evangelical missive, written in 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀴 to call missionaries to come to Bosavi, set the tone for the long-term long-term evangelical encounter that Save Accept All included both indigenous missionizing pastors and then a resident expatriate family. Set in motion by those encounters was a kind of rhetoric that re-

primitivized and morally othered Bosavi people while promoting divisiveness and hierarchy among them. Now, what are these primitive people like? Well, to put it plainly, they are half man, half animal. . . . Te people resemble the rugged, unfriendly land in which they live, otherwise they could have not survived the centuries. . . . Te Bosavis mutilate their bodies savagely, and burn their backs and shoulders with molten resin to make “beauty” “ beauty” weals. Tey are nature’ nature’ss children, naive in simplicity one day—moody and treacherous the next. In the primeval isolation, they resemble the labyrinth of jungle in which they live; for if cleared c leared and sown, both yield a wonderful first harvest. Tis is my reason for writing, to alert you to the unprecedented opportunities that await pioneer missionaries in New Guinea today. today. . . . What a thrilling adventure! You meet these primitive types first in all their savagery, then in a few short years you are able to sit down with them at the Lord’s able, “all one in Christ Jesus.” (Donaldson 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀴:󰀲–󰀳)

  When the Australian missionaries arrived to take residence in 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰, they immediately expressed suspicion and hostility about local practices and rituals. As confident as Donaldson was that the Bosavi forest was filled with satanic spirits, the missionaries hardly bothered b othered to learn any of the local cosmology. Bosavi people were openly berated about the evil imagined to live in their environment, in their hearts, and in their minds. Te message was unequivocal: renounce “traditional” ways and prepare for the second coming of Jesus Christ, or face the hellfire. Evangelical Christianity thus initiated a local regime of fear, much remembered years afterward for the guilt, chaos, and confusion it instilled.   wo uncanny coincidences led many Bosavi people to believe that the missionaries held a mystically powerful key to the depths of their language and culture. Te first of these was the identical initial sound of the Bosavi  word for sorcerer sorcerer,, se , and the ubiquitous new mission word satan. Te second sec ond

 

This website stores data such as cookies to enable essential site  Introduction to the Tird Edition  functionality, as well as marketing, personalization, and analytics. You may change yourthat settings any time  was a traditional trataditional Bosavi Bosa vi story stor y or accept the default settings.

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about the world ending in fire resonated clearly with the mission story of hellfire and apocalyptic destruction. Some Bosavi people decided to willingly take mission dogma quite seriously, dePrivacy Policy spite their considerable confusion over the meaning of the bible stories. Marketing   Te profound character of that confusion, widespread during my initial Personalization  visit in the 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰s, was brought forth powerfully to me during a return visit Analytics in 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀴. Quietly, and secretly, Hɔnowɔ, a young man with whom Bambi B. Schieffelin and I were working on the translation of Bosavi stories, asked, Save Accept All “Do you think our Bosavi malolo to [stories, literally “told words”] are like the

misini to [mission stori es]? stories]? It was onlyand justwondering then, in theEnglish diction,question, phrasing,that intonation, and emphasis of his careful I could grasp the missionary power to speak as the voice of literal truth.   In addition to holding Bosavi people as a captive audience for evangelization, the missionaries also wielded considerable specific powers. Tese included control of air traffic in and out of the region, as well as control over access to education, jobs, and virtually all forms of information, development, and social benefits. Tis domination took place at a distinct moment in Papua New Guinea’ Guinea’ss history histor y, a time when the newly independent government’s main concern was the development of a national political economy. Policing what missionaries were doing in the most out-ofout-of-thethe- way areas of the country was a low national priority, despite widespread reports of cultural destruction or abuse of power by A.P.C.M. missionaries in the Southern Highlands and surrounding areas. Indeed, the continued lack of government presence in Bosavi meant that evangelical rhetoric and mission policy  was naturalized naturaliz ed as de facto law. law. And this is very ver y much the way it felt on the ground in the 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰s and well into the 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀰s, with Bosavi people assuming that any message from the mission represented the desires of the national nati onal government.   Of course, the missionaries were also concerned with good works. Tey introduced a clinic at the airstrip and provided substantial health care. But  with this came forms of bodily surveillance surveilla nce and punishment, ffor or example, refusal of aid to those who transgressed mission policies against smoking tobacco or dancing in ceremonies. A similar pattern developed with the mission school, which also introduced substantial benefit. Nonetheless, demands that students spend long periods away from their home community undermined parental authority authorit y and disrupted family relations. Additionally Additionall y, students were indoctrinated and regularly regular ly channeled into mission- related  work, and they were rarely rewarded or challenged in any independent areas of educational skill. Opportunities disproportionately went to those who

 

This website stores data such as  xviii 󰁉 󰁮 󰁴 󰁲 󰁯󰁤 󰁵 󰁣 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮 󰁴󰁯 󰁴 󰁨 󰁥 󰁔 󰁨 󰁩 󰁲 󰁤 󰁅 󰁤󰁩 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮 cookies to enable essential site functionality, as well as marketing, in You bible classes. Te missionaries placed these students in regional personalization,excelled and analytics. may change your settings at any time bible schools for one or two years. When the students returned, they became or accept the default settings.

 village pastors. With this position came considerable local loc al power and influence, not to mention new access to resources, wealth, and deference. PasPrivacy Policy tors established mini-fiefdoms, mini-fiefdoms, and people feared them, obeyed them, and Marketing  worked hard to cultivate their favor. favor. Personalization   Te dramat dramatic ic “repent or burn” message so relentlessl relentle sslyy preached by the Analyticsmissionaries and their local pastors chilled somewhat by the mid- to late 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀰s. Tis was due in part par t to a new and serious government presence in BoSave Accept All savi in the form of construction of a more centrally located airstrip, school, and aid post that remained outside of mission control. Missionary authority

diminished as well when exploration for oil, gas, mining, and logging began to sweep through the surrounding region in the late 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀰s and 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰s. With those developments Bosavi people realized that evangelical Christianity might not be the only route to social change, advantage, or opportunity opportunity..   But, in time, explorations came to reveal that there were no substantial or unique deposits of o f gold, oil, or gas to exploit on Bosavi land. For For this reason, in the late 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀰s and early 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰s, Bosavi people became b ecame captivated by the oil project and massive development in the Lake Kutubu area to the northeast and by the clear-cut logging project on the south side of Mt. Bosavi. Occasional infusions of cash and material wealth followed sporadic patterns of migration by young Bosavi men who worked on these projects. Both the material changes and the stories that came c ame back to Bosavi fanned the fires of local desire, and this led to broader bases of conflict around real, perceived, and possible inequities. As outside companies then tried to gain access to the Bosavi forests for industrial logging, residents debated the meaning of “development.” Local politicians emerged, and some were quickly enlisted to work for the logging concerns. Nongovernmental organizations also became involved. Tey promoted education about the environment and tried to outmaneuver the attempts by foreign operators to convince Bosavi people to sell their forest land. Very rapidly then, local Bosavi affairs were dominated by their connection to regional, national, and world economies.   After twenty years of largely unchallenged authority and control, the expatriate missionaries left at the end of 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰. Some months before going, they told me their news with these words: “Money is God in Bosavi now.” But in a memoir a few years later, mixing tales of quaint adventure and congratulatory conviction, convicti on, many passages again reprise the voice of Donaldson Donalds on’’s 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀴 missive, describing the pleasures of leaving with “former cannibals now truly God’s gentlemen” and the satisfaction that “likeable rogues hugged us

 

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This website stores data such as cookies to enable essential sitetheir gratitude with the same fervour as the finest Christians” and expressed functionality, as well as marketing, (Briggs 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀵:󰀱󰀹󰀵). personalization, and analytics. You may change settings at the any time   yourDespite long period of missionary residency, residency, Bosavi people neither or accept the default settings.

received much educational benefit nor were empowered with the practical skills to maneuver as citizens in the new nation. In parallel, lack of consistent Privacy Policy government presence and few local possibilities for economic development Marketing led Bosavi people to feel increasingly alienated in the 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰s. Life took on a more anxious tone as they waited for something to happen. During my four Personalization  visits in the 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰s and particularly particularl y in the years leading to the millennium, Analytics local Christians preached that an impending apocalyptic event of extraorSave Accept All dinary proportions was coming. Others believed that a dramatic development project, like some form of logging or mining, would bring extraordi-

nary wealth. Many people simply yearned for opportunities to participate in some kind of cash economy, through small businesses and locally sustainable agriculture projects. Others imagined ecotourism as a way to bring cash, interest, respect, access, and new contacts, particularly when it became clear that the three anthropologists who visited regularly from 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀶 to 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀹 were no longer coming to stay.

Bosavi Song and the Politics of Expressive Practice after 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰  As desires mounted in the late 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀰s and early 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰s, a particular nostalgia developed in Bosavi for the expressive practices that were given up under pressure from local pastors and the A.P.C.M. missionaries. Central to the local discourse on loss was debate about the largely abandoned ceremonies and poetic songs that were vibrant in earlier times. Something important happened then, and it is the key sound story neither anticipated nor told in Sound and Sentiment .   Tis is the story of how the children and grandchildren of my closest interlocutors took their poetic inheritance and, after the departure of the expatriate missionaries in 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰, then reworked the waning world of ceremonial weeping and song intothe a new world of Bosavi performance. is the story of “string band,” generic Papua New song Guinea style name,Tis or, as it is locally known in its unique Bosavi form,  gita gisalo (“guitar ceremonial song”). Gita gisalo is the music of the first generation of Bosavi people to grow   up in an independent Papua New Guinea. It is also the music of the first generation of Bosavi people to grow up with evangelical missionization central

 

 xx 󰁉 󰁮 󰁴 󰁲 󰁯󰁤 󰁵 󰁣 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮 󰁴󰁯 󰁴 󰁨 󰁥 󰁔 󰁨 󰁩 󰁲 󰁤 󰁅 󰁤󰁩 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮 to their everyday lives. It is also the music of a generation largely stripped of This website stores data such as the ritualsite and ceremonial knowledge and practice of previous generations, cookies to enable essential functionality, as well as marketing, the first generation to grow up with access to education educat ion through sixth grade, personalization, and analytics. You and the first to deal with the sporadic spor adic presence of anthropologists, may change your settings at anygeneration time or accept the default settings. development workers, politicians, and agents of the Papua New Guinea state. I first met this generation when they were five- to tenten- year year-olds olds in the Privacy Policy midmid-󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰s, 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰s, and I came to know them through their hunger for education and Marketing their curiosity for knowledge of the world beyond Bosavi.   String band music retells the main features of Bosavi’s recent conPersonalization Analyticstact history. Western song forms and vocal harmonies were first introduced Save

through the hymns taught vigorously from the 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰s by both Papuan pasAccept All tors and the expatriate evangelical missionaries. Guitars and ukuleles began trickling into the Bosavi area soon after, at about the time of Papua New

Guinea’s independence in 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀵. Te instruments came with Bosavi men returning from early labor contracts in the Highlands or on the coast, or with the first Papua New Guineans from outside Bosavi coming to work at the airstrip’ss new mission clinic. airstrip’ c linic.   Tis was also the time when the first portable radio-cassette radio-cassette players appeared in the area, also brought by returning laborers. With these came the first cassettes of the popular music then circulating in Papua New Guinea’s towns. Among the few national groups to get a hearing, Bosavi people particularly liked the band of coastal groupswere likeplayed Paramana Strangers andPNG Newstring Krymus. Tesounds few available cassettes until they disintegrated; new ones only occasionally appeared with returning workers or with the few salaried mission employees. Te combination of a weak signal and poor reception over the mountains from Radio Southern Highlands, sixty miles northeast to Mendi, and few batteries to power the few cassette players meant that Bosavi people heard relatively little li ttle of the de veloping idioms of p postindependence ostindependence P PNG NG popular song circulating in the Highlands or coastal communities.   Despite local interest in the new musical possibilities brought by guitars and Western song forms, string band activities were slow to get started in Bosavi. Te key factor was the expatri expatriate ate missionaries’ and local pastors’ hostility to secular music. For them, song was simply a vehicle for hymns, and guitars were only tolerated as accompaniment to mass voices in church. For this reason a secular string st ring band movement didn’t didn’t gain momentum in Bosavi until the opening, in 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀵, of the new community school and airstrip built bui lt by the national government. Tis took place at Muluma, in the centr central al or Kaluli area, three hours’ walking distance from the Bosavi mission station at Waiyu.

 

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  String band performance became a mainstay of school events at Muluma. Like the local sports teams that also emerged there at the same time, This website stores data such as each group cookies to enable essentialwas site identified by its longhouse community of origin. Te bands functionality, as well as marketing, of four or five voices, with lead, rhythm, and bass guitars, typically typicall y consisted personalization, and analytics. You and two-part vocal harmony and octave doubling, and may change yourukulele. settings at Some any time used two-part or accept the thedefault leadsettings. voice often of ten sang in a falsetto. Te vocal sound was typic typically ally strident, strid ent, following the missionary model of singing as loudly as possible in church. It Privacy Policy took some time for the groups to blend their voices with the softer sound of the guitars. Marketing   Beginning in 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀶 and continuing into the late 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰s, string bands comPersonalization Analytics

peted for small cash village prizes competitive at Independence celebrations held at Muluma. While an intervillage inter spirit spiri tDay was promoted by these events, Save Accept All the members of these bands taught one another what they knew and shared the few available instruments. Students who went out to provincial high

schools in the late 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀰s and early 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰s brought back new skills and instruments, accelerating the learning of those at the local schools.   Te bands that formed at the Muluma school and that competed there in the late 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀰s and into the early 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰s were the backbone of the Bosavi string band scene I got to know and record throughout the 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰s. During these  years several of the men who started these groups groups got married, and husband wife teams defined d efined a key trend for fo r the groups. In each case the woman was lead vocalist, and her husband the lead instrumentalist and principal harmony vocalist. Most of the songs were composed by the men; through the 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰s I only knew of one Bosavi woman who was active as a guitar band composer.   Experiences of the PNG world outside Bosavi, including provincial high school and town work, were emerging song topics; lyrics about abo ut boy-girl boy-girl relationships were particularly particul arly popular. popular. Lyrics in both bo th Bosavi and ok ok Pisin, Pi sin,  with occasional bits of English, were also common. Some of the groups and repertoires were initially formed through the experience of singing church hymns, and some songs are modeled on them, either substituting new texts or secularizing existing ones.   But what is most remarkable in this overtly very new kind of musical practice is how the string band songs continue to develop many of the poetic conventions and topics long central to ceremonial and everyday vocal voc al song in Bosavi, the very very ones discussed and analyzed analy zed in Sound and Sentiment . Temes of hunger, hospitality, hospitality, sharing, loss, and remembrance are expressed through locally familiar metaphors like the ones you’ll you’ ll read about here ffor or women’ women’s funerary wailing and men’ men’s ceremonial gisalo. Unquestionably, Unquestionably, the guitar band

 

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󰁉 󰁮 󰁴 󰁲 󰁯󰁤 󰁵 󰁣 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮 󰁴󰁯 󰁴 󰁨 󰁥 󰁔 󰁨 󰁩 󰁲 󰁤 󰁅 󰁤󰁩 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮

movement continued and embellished the Bosavi practice of valuing song for its emotional power and poetic appeal. Indeed, it was not uncommon for me to witness these songs provoke tears, nor was it uncommon for their This website stores data such as composers cookies to enable essential siteand singers to tell me of their desire to move listeners in precisely functionality, as this well as marketing, way. So despite sweeping changes in Bosavi expressive and ceremonial personalization, and analytics. You culture the mid-󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰s mid-󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰s to the late 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰s, the post- Sound and Sentiment   may change your settings from at any time or accept the default  yearssettings. of my local research visits were in part taken up with recording and documenting the exciting birth bir th of a new song movement (Feld 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀱b:disc 󰀱). Privacy Policy   Te question this raises, of course, is familiar for contemporary anthropologists. Does modernity produce as much, or more, or less difference than Marketing Personalization

it effaces? Te drama in this question is especially familiar in the highly meso because of how the place name has repeatedly signaled si gnaled a remote unknown. All  ake,   ake,Accept as a recent example, Lost Land of the Volcano , from the 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀹 season of the British Broadcasting Corporation Corporat ion’’s “Expedition “Expedi tion”” series. An international

poli tics of indigeneity indigeneity.. And in Bosavi this is particularly particularl y Analyticsdiated contemporary politics Save

team of scientists joined filmmakers from the BBC Natural History Unit in order to travel into the extinct volcano of Mt. Bosavi. “From the world’s smallest parrot to talking beetles, birds of paradise and tree kangaroos they discover some of the strangest creatures on earth. And in just four tough  weeks they find over forty species of animals new to science,” the DVD box proclaims (BBC One 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀹). Even Te Guardian couldn’t resist the BBC’s exotica press release, creating this headline: “Lost World of Fanged Frogs and Giant Rats Discovered in Papua New Guinea.”   Despite global press coverage for the adventures recounted by the three remarkable films, there was barely any mention of the rain forest–dwelling peoples who live in the foothills foothi lls all around Mt. Bosavi, and virtually nothing about their well-documented well-documented knowledge of regional natural history. In the press Bosavi was simply a “lost” and faraway place synonymous with the triumphal scientific discovery discover y of a giant rat, a citation not much more sophisticated, representationally speaking, than the use of Bosavi in the Hollywood flop Krippendorf ’s ribe  (Holland  (Holland 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀸) as the remote place where a fumbling and failing anthropologist (played by Richard Dreyfuss) is exposed by his archrival (played by Lily omlin), who shows up in Port Moresby shouting, in simplified lingua franca, mi laik go long Bosabi ! (“I want to go to Bosavi!”).   I learned a very different lesson about major media potential for indigenous recognition in 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰. Just after the second edition of Sound and Sentiment  appeared,   appeared, I spent three months in Bosavi recording the sounds that  would be edited into Voices of the Rainforest , a CD that condenses a twentyfour-hour fourhour day-inday-in-thethe-life life of the forest and Bosavi people pe ople into one hour. ProPro-

 

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duced by the Grateful Dead drummer Mickey Hart and the beneficiary of his substantial music industry and sound technology connections, not to mention a world of enthusiastic Deadhead listeners and consumers, Voices of the Rainforest ’’ss airplay and sales brought attention to the mining, logging, and This website stores data such as environmental cookies to enable essential sitedegradation sweeping through New Guinea’s rain forests. Te functionality, as well as marketing, recording’s circulation made audible the deep ecology of the rain forest and personalization, and analytics. You the everyday musical may change your settings at any time lives of its inhabitants (Feld 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀱b; the first edition of or accept the thedefault 󰁃󰁄 issettings. discussed in Feld 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀴).   Te CD’s CD’s marketplace success translated into substantial royalties, and Privacy Policy together with the proceeds from Sound and Sentiment  I  I established the nonprofit Bosavi Peoples Fund (www.bosavipeoplesfund.net). Since its incepMarketing tion in 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀱 the Bosavi Peoples Fund has supported a variety of educational Personalization and cultural projects meant to advance the standing of the Bosavi commuAnalytics nity in Papua New Guinea and the world. In recent years a key project has Save AcceptDigital All been a Bosavi Archive to preserve the thirty-five thirty- five years of media materials that have been collected by my colleagues and me. Currently the ar-

chive comprises some two hundred hours of audio recordings and six thousand black and white and color photographs. Fieldnotes, transcriptions, and translations, and other documents, as well as a complete digital archive of publications will eventually be compiled.   Tere is something at once gratifying and unsettling about such a large segment of Bosavi history living its research afterlife on a three-terabyte three-terabyte hard drive. Gratifying because it will ultimately make possible po ssible more research, dissemination, and feedback, hopefully some of it of real use in Bosavi and Papua New Guinea. Unsettling because of the potential for exploitative uses of the material in today and tomorrow’s digital wild west. It only reminds me, again, that if I’ve learned anything about “then” and “now,” it is that the plot only thickens.

Te Acoustic urn “ What about an anthropology anthropolog y of sound? What about ethnographies that are tape recordings?” were the opening sentences of a 󰀱󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀲 󰀹󰀷󰀲my graduate nar paper I wrote Tose in response to the theoretical program of teachersemiAlan Merriam’s important book Te Anthropology of Music  (󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀴).  (󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀴). Whatever I had in mind, I surely wasn’t thinking ahead to a time when those questions, and Sound and Sentiment , would position me in the parental or grandparental generation to today’s to day’s “sound studies” or “sound culture studies.”

 

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󰁉 󰁮 󰁴 󰁲 󰁯󰁤 󰁵 󰁣 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮 󰁴󰁯 󰁴 󰁨 󰁥 󰁔 󰁨 󰁩 󰁲 󰁤 󰁅 󰁤󰁩 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮

  I’ve been excited by the proliferation of new social and cultural studies of sound, all the more to witness anthropologists locating sound ever more  Anthropologyy News  seriously in transcultural and transdisciplinary research ( Anthropolog 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀰, 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀱; Samuels, Meintjes, Ochoa, and Porcello 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀰; also see Diehl 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀲; Fox 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴; Greene Greene and Porcello 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴; Hirschkind 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀶; Meintjes 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀳; Mora This website stores data such as 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀵; Novak cookies to enable essential site forthcoming; Panopoulos 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀳; Samuels 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴; Solomon 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀰; functionality, as W welleisethaunet as marketing, 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀸; Yamada  Weisethaunet Yamada 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀷). But I should contextualize my acoustic personalization, and analytics. You ancestor may change your settings atstatus any timeby acknowledging that the intellectual agenda of Sound and or accept the default settings.  was Sentiment  was considerably more specific. As an experimental ethnography of sound, or study of sound as a cultural system, Sound and Sentiment  tried   tried Privacy Policy first to identify and respond to two serious ser ious problems with Merriam Merr iam’’s anthroMarketing pology

of music paradigm.   Te first was to critique Merriam’s theoretically and linguistically linguisticall y limPersonalization ited model for the analysis of “song texts.” In Sound and Sentiment  I  I wanted Analytics to underscore the critical importance of engaging the socio-acoustics socio-acoustics of exSave Accept All that were in between pressive forms bet ween language and music, forms that featured complex sonic intersections of verbal art, poesis, and vocalized performance.

In the specific empirical and ethnographic case that came to captivate me, this concerned the intertwining of song and crying. And if I was first drawn to how the performance of men’s  gisalo songs displayed complex layers of sung vocalization, vocalizatio n, poetic texts, and cried accompaniment, I was considerably more challenged by how to understand the performance of women’s sungtextedtexted- weeping  weeping forgender Bosaviinfunerals. In both theinto poetic that entextualized voice pushed mecases deeply thecomplexities sound symbolism of language in music, and the timbral and textural aspects of music in language.   While those dimensions of the anthropology of sound and voice were empiricallyy in line with at least one intellectual legacy, that of Roman Jakobempiricall son (󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀰, (󰀱󰀹󰀸 󰀰, 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀵; see Feld and Fox 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀴; Feld, Fox, Fox, Porcello and S Samuels amuels 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴), a second concern was neither anticipated by Merriam’s anthropology of music program nor by any well-developed paradigm in ethnobiology ethnobiolog y or evolutionary anthropology. Tis concerned copresent bio- and socio-acoustics, socio- acoustics, the interanimation and interarticulation of human and nonhuman sounds in the community setting of a rain forest environment. How to tell a story about crying and singing that is equally a story about “nature” as a cultural construction, about the intertwining of ecology and cosmology?   Whatever I knew about language and music when I went to Bosavi, I surely didn’t know nearly enough about bioacoustics, ornithology, or environmental science. It wasn’t wasn’t just that my music sc school hool ear training didn’t didn’t in-

 

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clude bird-call bird-call recognition. It was that my imagination of an anthropology of sound was nowhere near complex enough to imagine an emplaced allspecies approach to vocalization as an archive of ecological and aesthetic coevolution. co evolution.   All the same, by the time I went to Bosavi and did the research that became Sound and Sentiment  my   my idea of an anthropology of sound had beneThis website stores data such as fited essential from multiple and not quite ordinary streams of inspiration. As an cookies to enable site functionality, as well as marketing, undergraduate at Hofstra College I studied with Colin urnbull, read his personalization, and analytics. You Mbuti ethnographies (󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀱b, 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀵), listened to his ethnographic LP recordmay change your settings at any time or accept the default settings. ings of the Central African rain forest (󰀱󰀹󰀵󰀷, 󰀱󰀹󰀵󰀸, 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀱a), and developed my first anthropology papers on sounding social relations under his critical and Privacy Policy

generous tutelage. I was inspired by how Colin’s musicianship influenced his anthropology anthropology, , and I particularly appreciated his conviction that the auditor auditoryy Marketing acuity of Mbuti in the Ituri forest was equally about perceptual adaptation Personalization and the sociality of listening. Analytics   Also as a Hofstra undergraduate I studied musique concrète , electroSave Accept All experimental musics, and jazz with the composer Herbert acoustic synthesis, Deutsch, also the coinventor, with Robert Moog, of the Moog synthesizer

(Deutsch 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀶). I was inspired by Herb s ability to link skill skil l in improvisation to experiments with new musical inventions. And he generously encouraged my first experiments with analysis through synthesis, as I used the Moog synthesizer to explore rhythmic patterns in i n Central and West West African musics.   Additionally, Additionally , during my undergraduate years I studied pology with Edmund Carpenter at the New School. Eruditemedia about anthroart history and material culture, Carpenter (󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀳) was also a deep listener with a provocative approach to understanding the interplay of auditory, tactile, tactile, and  visual senses in the Arctic. His radical text and visual productions productions (Carpenter and Heyman 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰) inspired my interest in experimental crossings of anthropology and art ar t (e.g., (e.g., Feld with Ryan 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀰; Blau et al. 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀰). While studies of anthropology and music with urnbull urnbull and Deutsch convinced me that it was possible to work both as a scholar and as an artist, Carpenter’s involvement  with sensory media studies equally convinced me to work in sound and visual media simultaneously. simultaneously.   During my graduate school years at Indiana, where I principally studied linguistic anthropology, ethnomusicology, and aesthetics, I took a year off to go to film school, first at the Anthropology Film Center with Carroll  Williams, and then at the Musée de l’Homme’s Comité du Film Ethnographique with Jean Rouch (󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀳). Williams and Rouch were both equally engaged with documentary realist and magical nonrealist lineages of cinema

 

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󰁉 󰁮 󰁴 󰁲 󰁯󰁤 󰁵 󰁣 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮 󰁴󰁯 󰁴 󰁨 󰁥 󰁔 󰁨 󰁩 󰁲 󰁤 󰁅 󰁤󰁩 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮

and photography. photography. In complementary ways each inspired me to join rigorous technique to experimental practice.   Tat was my intellectual and artistic backdrop to arriving in Bosavi in 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀶. But equally important to how Sound and Sentiment  turned   turned out is that both before and after my first fieldwork in Papua New Guinea I was largely supported by sound recording, film, and experimental radio or jazz club c lub gigs until I got an academic job in 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀰, at the University of Pennsylvania. It was This website stores data such as there and then, teaching film and sound history, theory, and practice at the cookies to enable essential site functionality, as Annenberg well as marketing, School of Communications (and not teaching either anthropersonalization, and analytics. You pology or music) that I transformed Sound and Sentiment  from   from dissertation may change your settings at any time to book. or accept the default settings.   Given eclectic academic background, I’ve been stimulated by themy breadth of contemporary sound studies, evenparticularly if the literature is more dominated by research on Western technologies, arts, media, invenMarketing tions, modernism, and avant-garde works than it is by work on sound in/ Personalization as social theory, or ethnographic studies of sound production and reception Analytics in non- Western  Western or West/nonWest/non- West  West conjunctural formations. When I look Save Accept now at whatAllis recently available in sound studies readers (Kruth and Stobart 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀰; Bull and Back 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀳; Erlmann 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴; Greene and Porcello 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴;

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Pinch and Bijsterveld 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀱; Sterne 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀲); in works on sound, engineering, technology, aurality, noise, and hearing (Augoyard and orgue 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀶; Bijster veld and van Dijck 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀹; Erlmann 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀰; Schwartz S chwartz 󰀲󰀰󰀱 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀱; 󰀱; Smith 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀱; Sterne S terne 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀳; aylor aylor 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀱; Téberge 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀷; Tompson 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀳); or in tracts on sound art (Chion 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀴; Dyson 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀹; Kahn 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀹; LaBelle 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀰), I am deeply reminded of how rare it was to come across adventurous thinking about sound at the time when I first wrote Sound and Sentiment  (Ihde  (Ihde 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀶 and Schafer 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀷 were obvious exceptions).

From Anthropology of Sound to Acoustemology and Anthropology in Sound  Even if Sound and Sentiment  announced   announced the anthropology of sound, I was restless with the concept by the time the book was published. eaching in a school of communications from 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀰 to 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀵, and returning twice then to Bosavi for short and long visits to extend my initial field research, I became deeply engaged with a range of alternatives to the theoretical models I initially employed. Trough the 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀰s I tried to develop new perspectives on Bosavi’s ambient, verbal/vocal, and musical/instrumental sounds in public publicaa-

 

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tions on dialogic editingweeping (Feld 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀷), the vocality of women’s (Feldaesthetics 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰b). as iconicity (Feld 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀸), and   I also tried to expand my phonographic practice beyond an initial emphasis on ethnographic documentary LPs (Feld 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀲a, 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀵), producing an experimental half-hour half-hour radio broadcast titled Voices in the Forest  (Feld   (Feld and Sinkler 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀳). Tat project was inspired by Murray Schafer’s urging, in Te uning of o f the t he World  World  (󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀷),  (󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀷), that research in acoustic ecology be presented musically, as soundscape composition. While I had always wanted my research This website stores data such as to be as hearable as it i t was readable, it was the documentary sound art broadcookies to enable essential site casts byasSchafer functionality, as well marketing,and his World Soundscape Project colleagues that took me personalization, and analytics. You back to the possibility of ethnography as tape recording, using the mixing may change your settings at any time techniques of electroacoustic composition. or accept the default settings.   Four additional periods of Bosavi field research in the 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰s moved my research framework from anthropology anthropolog y of sound to acoustemology. acoustemology. I coined Privacy Policy this new term to join acoustics and epistemology, to argue for sound as a caMarketing pacity to know and as a habit of knowing. I needed a way to talk about ab out sound Personalization that was neither a matter of critiquing the anthropology of music or lanAnalytics guage nor of extending their scope to include environmental ambiences and human-animal humananimal sound interactions. I wanted to have a new allall-species species way to Save Accept All talk about the emplaced copresence and corelations of multiple sounds and

sources. I wanted to have a new way to talk about how, how, within a few seconds, and often in the absence of coordinated visual cues, Bosavi people know quite precisely so many features of the rain forest world, like the time of day, the season, the weather history. I wanted to link this kind of tacit knowledge, as  well as active ecoacoustic knowing, to expressive practices, to the way way Bosavi listening habits and histories figure in the shaping of poetic, vocal, and instrumental practices.   I tried to theorize acoustemology in a few dense articles about ecological and aesthetic coevolution (Feld 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀶a) and about vocality, gender, emplacement, and memory (Feld 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀶b, 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀸). But I did the deeper work in the audio medium, more directly transforming an anthropology of sound into an anthropology in sound so und (Feld and Brenneis 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴).   Te development of this anthropology in sound work leads to one of the better ways I can answer the inevitable inevi table question about how to read Sound and Sentiment  thirty   thirty years later. Quite simply: listen to it. Listen to my history of listening to the rain forest and Bosavi people. Listen to how, on each and every recorded track, trac k, you hear different configurations of what Bosavi people call “lift-up“lift-up-overover-sounding,” sounding,” a continual overlapping, alternating, and interRainfo rest  (Feld locking sonic figure and ground. Listen to Voices of the Rainforest   (Feld 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀱b)

 

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󰁉 󰁮 󰁴 󰁲 󰁯󰁤 󰁵 󰁣 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮 󰁴󰁯 󰁴 󰁨 󰁥 󰁔 󰁨 󰁩 󰁲 󰁤 󰁅 󰁤󰁩 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮

to hear how knowing the rain forest world animates multiple forms of instrumental and vocal expression. Listen to Rainforest Soundwalks (Feld 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀱a) to hear the everyday ambient sound environment as acoustic habitus. Listen to the three discs in Bosavi: Rainforest Music from Papua New Guinea  (Feld 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀱b) to more intimately and acoustically know the two or three generations of Bosavi people I’ve known. Listen to the Bosavi world of ritual and ceremony as I first heard it on the wane in the 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰s, including the weeping and song tracks that are transcribed, translated, and analyzed in that book (disc 󰀳). Listen to how the world of ritual is embedded in the everyday ways This website stores data such as in and sing with the rain forest (disc 󰀲). Listen to Bosavi’s new people work cookies to enable essential site the bush-modern bush-modern guitar band remix of poetic po etic heritage, memorial nosfunctionality, as music, well as marketing, personalization,talgia, and analytics. and You youthful yearnings (disc 󰀱). Experiment with the “lift“ lift- upup-overovermay change your settings at any time or accept the default settings. of reading and listening to hear felt sentiments as the embodiment sounding” of knowing the world through sound. If all of that makes you wonder what I have been doing since the Bosavi Privacy Policy   research, the answer is more of the same, and in sound and video as much as Marketing possible. My recent recording work in Southern S outhern Europe explores interactions Personalization of animal bells, church bells, town bells, carnival bells, and human musickAnalytics ing. Like rain forest birds, village bells habituate local listeners to a sense of place Accept and produce consciousness of space and time. My research questions Save All how bells might stand to a thousand years of European pastoral history as

birds stand to thousands more in the Bosavi rain forest (Blau et al. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀲, 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀰; Feld 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴–󰀷; Scaldaferri 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀵). Te acoustemological triangle that connects sound to ecology and cosmology cosmolog y is also multiply hearable in my work on jazz cosmopolitanism in Accra, Ghana, presented equally in sound, film, and text (Feld 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀹, 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀲a, 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀲b).

Visual Echoes  While I’m excited to see Sound and Sentiment   emerge with a new cover, I admit to a little nostalgia for the one that graced the earlier editions, and I  would like to record the story of its origin. In the late 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀰s and early 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰s I became aware of the work of the designer Quentin Fiore, F iore, thr through ough his classic Teand Medium Is the counterculture collaborations with Marshall McLuhan,  Massage   and War  and and Peace in the Global Village   (󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀷, 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀸),  (󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀷, with Buckminster Fuller, I Seem to Be a Verb (󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰). Imagine my surprise ten or so years later to find out that Fiore Fi ore worked freelance for the University of PennsylvaPennsylvania Press and was assigned to my book!

 

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 Te previous book cover for Sound and Sentiment, designed by Quentin Fiore.

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Visiting me Accept All at my Annenberg School office, Quentin asked me to tell him a bit about Sound and Sentiment . I explained that the book begins with and then unravels a myth, a story of how an abandoned and crying boy turns tur ns

into puranthropology purpleple-nosed fruit dove. He then asked“Of me course,” if I had aI favorite fa vorite “that book covera in that I could describe. replied,  would have to be the original French edition of Claude Lévi-Strauss’s La Pensée Sauvage ” (󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀲). As I reached to take the book from my shelf, he said, “Oh, yes, of course, the cover with the marvelous French-language French-language pun, just the title and a bunch of wild pansies.” We smiled at each other as I put the book on the desk, confirming that it was exactly e xactly the one he knew. knew. “I have an idea now,” now,” he said. And in just a few fe w weeks I saw the Sound and Sentiment  de design with the fruit dove whose nose turns the whole cover purple.   Interestingly, Interestingly, the purple shade that Quentin Fiore chose closely closel y mimicked the cover color of another book that he (correctly) imagined me to be fond of in both substance and title: Sound and Symbol , by the phenomenological musicologist Victor Zuckerkandl (󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀹). Indeed, while some readers and reviewers remarked on the color and title resemblance to the Zuckerkandl book, none mentioned the Lévi-Strauss Lévi-Strauss resonance. In fact, in the moment of early 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀰s colorized colo rized cultural politics, a more regular query about the

 

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cover was a queer one, some readers wondering if the color purple was the sound of gay sentiment.   While this signification was not my intention, questions about it turned out to have a positive pedagogical effect over many years, often enough in dialogues about critical and liberatory potentials of anthropology, about ethnographies as dream manuals for alternative ways of becoming. So in a deep sense here, it is Quentin Fiore whom I must thank for a cover that incited some wonderful conversations about how myths once read through local ethnography could also be read anew through postmodern identity politics.   I’m similarly grateful to George Marcus and Michael M. J. Fischer’s This website stores data such asy as Cultural  Anthropology  Anthropolog Cultural Critique  (󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀶),  (󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀶), whose discussion of Sound and Sencookies to enable essential site functionality, as well as marketing, timent    animated animated both about essay the allegorical power ofbecame ethnopersonalization,graphic and analytics. You and writing myconversations “Dialogic Editing” (Feld 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀷), which may change your settings at any time the postscript for this book’s second edition. But, at least in the classroom, or accept the default settings.

discussions of representation and experiment were more often provoked by the book’s book’s visual materiality: materiality : the cover cover,, Mary Groff ’s memorable bird drawPrivacy Policy ings, and, most forcefully, by the book’s two color photographs. Te subMarketing stance of many of those conversations has been reprised in two recent anthroPersonalization pological discussions that reprint and discuss di scuss those two images: Christopher Analytics Pinney’s Photography and Anthropology (󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀱:󰀱󰀱󰀲–󰀱󰀵), and Rupert Cox and Christopher Wright’’s “Blurred Visions: Reflecting Visual Anthropology,” Anthropology,” a Save Accept AllWright state-ofstateof-thethe-field field review for the new Sage Handbook of Social Anthropology  (󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀲).

  Both discussions focus on the blur in the second photograph and what it might suggest about culture in/as motion, about alternatives to the stability of realism and documentary literalism in anthropological image making.  Tis was, of course, very ver y much my intention, coming at the end of a book  whose intense engagement with linguistically mediated meanings yearned, in the last gasps of structuralism and interpretivism, to embrace phenomenology and the senses, to move from text to voice, from symbols to synaesthesia, from indexicality to iconicity, from cognition to bodily knowing. I also wanted the book to end aesthetically, and to do that I chose to switch from exegetic exhaustion to pictorial pleasure, by staging an encounter of relational epistemologies: an experiment in experiencing, evoking, and embracing the blur. blur.   So like new critical readings that listen to the Bosavi CDs in order to reimagine the text as collaborative listenings to histories of listening, renewed

 

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attention to these images as visual echoes may also incite new ways to read Sound Sentiment  Listening alongside reading, I hope that  you canand wander along. flight pathsand in alooking blurry forest of species, ages, and genders. I hope that you can wonder how deeply Bosavi people know and sound the world as water moving through land and voice moving through the body. body.  And I hope that you can join me to wish ethnography a more creative future in the relationships of words, sounds, and images. All the same, after these thirty years, I know that to wander, wonder, and wish with Sound and Sentiment  is  is also to worry worr y if it is more readers of this ethnography than today and tomorrow’s Bosavi generations who will know the story of a boy who became bec ame a muni  bird.  bird. This website stores data such as cookies to enable essential site functionality, as well as marketing, personalization, and analytics. You may change your settings at any time Deep thanks to the Bosavi or accept the default settings.

 Acknowledgments

people, especially the Bona Kaluli living at Sululeb and Bolekini; Bambi B. Schieffelin and Edward L. Schieffelin; Don Niles at the Institute of Papua New Guinea Studies; Mickey and Car Caryl yl Hart, Howard Cohen, Privacy Policy  Jeff Sterling, and om om Flye at 󰀳󰀶󰀰 Productions; Cher Cheryl yl McEnany at Rykodisc; Marketing  ides Foundation Foundation for the Bosavi Peoples Fund; JJim im Cummings at Earth Ear;  Anthony Seeger, Seeger, Dan Sheehy, Sheehy, Atesh Sonneborn, Mary Monsour, Sonia Cohen, Personalization Pete Reiniger, and Richard Burgess at Smithsonian Folkways; Doug Schwartz Analytics at the School of American Research; Andy Pawley at Pacific Linguistics; Charlie Charlie Save Accept All and Don Brenneis; Osamu Yamaguti and Yoichi Yamada for Keil, Keith Basso, the Japanese edition; Carlo Serra, Nicola Scaldaferri, and Sergio Bonanzinga

for the Italian editions; students, colleagues, and readers all over the world; the  John D. and Catherine . MacArthur Foundation; and Anita and Bob Feld and  Jocelyne Guilbault. A special thanks to Ken Wissoker for making sound serious at Duke University Press.

References  Anthropology News  (American Anthropological Association). 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀰. Teme issue: Soundscapes and music traditions. 󰀵󰀱(󰀹), December December.. ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀱. Teme issue: Te meaning of music. 󰀵󰀲(󰀱), January.  Augoyard,, Jean-François,  Augoyard Jean-François, and Henri orgue. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀶. Sonic experience: A guide to everyday sounds. oronto: oronto: McGill-Queen’s McGill- Queen’s University Press. BBC One. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀹. Lost land of the volcano. Series: Expedition. Broadcast in September 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀹. Tree DVDs.

 

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󰁉 󰁮 󰁴 󰁲 󰁯󰁤 󰁵 󰁣 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮 󰁴󰁯 󰁴 󰁨 󰁥 󰁔 󰁨 󰁩 󰁲 󰁤 󰁅 󰁤󰁩 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮

Bijsterveld, Karin, and José van Dijck eds. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀹. Sound souvenirs: Audio technolo gies, memory and cultural practices. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Blau, Dick, Agapi Amanatidis, Panayotis Panopoulos, and Steven Feld. 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀰. Skyros carnival . Santa Fe: VoxLox. With CD and DVD. Blau, Dick, Charles and Angeliki Keil, and Steven Feld. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀲. Bright Balkan morning: Romani lives and the power of music in Greek Macedonia. Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press. With CD. Briggs, Keith. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀵. Potato milkshakes, and other aspects of pioneer missionary life . Preston, Australia: Australia: Asia Pacific Christian Mission. Brunois, Florence. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀷. Le jardin du casoar, la forêt des Kasua: K asua: Savoir- être et savoir-   faire  faire écologiques. Paris: CNRS/MSH Editions. Bull, Michael, and Les Back, eds. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀳. Te auditory culture reader . Oxford: Berg. Carpenter, Edmund. 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀳. Eskimo realities. New York: Simon and Schuster. Carpenter, Edmund, and Ken Heyman. 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰. Tey became what they beheld . New This website stores data such Ballantine. as York: cookies to enable essential site Chion, Michel. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀴. Audio vision: Sound on screen. New York: York: Columbia Columb ia UniverUn iverfunctionality, as well as marketing, sity Press. personalization, and analytics. You may change your settings at any time Cox, Rupert, and Christopher Wright. 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀲. Blurred visions: Reflecting visual or accept the default settings. anthropology. anthropo logy. In Te Sage handbook of social anthropology, ed. Richard Fardon and John Gledhill, pp. 󰀱󰀴󰀲󰀴–󰀶󰀳. London: Sage. Privacy Policy Deutsch, Herbert. 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀶. Synthesis: An introduction to the history, theory, and practice of electronic music . 󰀲nd ed. New York: Alfred Publishing Company. Marketing Diehl, Keila. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀲. Echoes of Dharamsala: Dharamsala: Music in the life of a ibetan refugee comPersonalization munity. Berkeley: University of California Press. Analytics Donaldson, Dick. 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀴. Behind the mountains—behind the times. Pamphlet. Brisbane: Fields Mission. Save AcceptUnevangelized All Dwyer, Peter. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰. Te pigs that ate the garden: A human ecology from Papua New Guinea. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Dyson, Frances. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀹. Sounding new media: Immersion and embodiment in the arts and culture . Berkeley: University of California Press. Erlmann, Veit. 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀰. Reason and resonance: A history of modern aurality. Cambridge: Zone Books. ———, ed. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴.  Hearing cultures: Essays on sound, listening and modernity. Oxford: Berg. Ernst, Tomas M. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀹. Land, stories, and resources: Discour Discourse se and entification in Onabasulu modernity. American Anthropologist  󰀱󰀰󰀱(󰀱):󰀸󰀸–󰀹󰀷.   󰀱󰀰󰀱(󰀱):󰀸󰀸–󰀹󰀷. Feld, Steven. 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀹. Sound and sentiment: Birds, weeping, poetics and song in Kaluli expression. e xpression. Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University. University.  Music of the Kaluli  K aluli . LP. Boroko, Papua New Guinea: Institute of ———. 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀲a. Papua New Guinea Studies. ———. 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀲b. Sound and sentiment: Birds, weeping, poetics, and song in Kaluli ex pression. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

 

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———. 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀵. Te Kaluli of Papua Nugini: Weeping and song . LP. Kassel: Barenreiter Musicaphon. ———. 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀷. 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀷. Dialogic editing: Interpreting Interpret ing how Kaluli Kalu li read Sound and Sentiment . Cultural Anthropology 󰀲(󰀲):󰀱󰀹󰀰–󰀲󰀱󰀰. ———. 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀸. Aesthetics as iconicity of style, or, ‘lift-up‘lift- up-over over sounding’: getting into the Kaluli groove. Yearbook for raditional Music  󰀲󰀰:󰀷󰀴–󰀱󰀱󰀳.  󰀲󰀰:󰀷󰀴–󰀱󰀱󰀳. ———. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰a. Sound and sentiment: Birds, weeping, poetics, poetics, and song in K Kaluli aluli ex pression. 󰀲nd ed. Philadelphia: P hiladelphia: University University of Pennsylvania Press. ———. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰b. Wept thoughts: Te voicing of Kaluli memories. Oral radition   󰀵(󰀲–󰀳):󰀲󰀴󰀱–󰀶󰀶. ———. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀴. From schizophonia schizophoni a to schismogenesis. schismogenes is. In Music grooves, by Charles Keil and Steven Feld, pp. 󰀲󰀵󰀷–󰀸󰀹. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ———. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀶a. A poetics of place: Ecological and aesthetic co-evolution in a Papua New Guinea rainforest community. In Redefining nature: Ecology, culture, and domestication, ed. Roy Ellen and Katsuyoshi Fukui, pp. 󰀶󰀱–󰀸󰀷. London: This website stores data suchBerg. as cookies to enable essential siteWaterfalls of song: An acoustemology of place resounding in Bo———. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀶b. functionality, as well as marketing, savi, Papua New Guinea. In Senses of place , ed. Steven Feld and Keith Basso, personalization, and analytics. You 󰀹󰀱–󰀱󰀳󰀶. may change yourpp. settings at anySanta time Fe: School of American Research Press. or accept the default settings. ———. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀸. “Tey repeatedly lick their own things.” Critical Inquiry 󰀲󰀴(󰀲):󰀴󰀴󰀵– 󰀷󰀲. ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀱a. Rainforest soundwalks: Ambiences of Bosavi, Papua New Guinea . Privacy Policy CD. Santa Fe: Earth Ear. Marketing ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀱b. Bosavi: Rainforest music from Papua New Guinea. CD trilogy. Personalization  Washington,  W ashington, DC: Smithsonian F Folkways. olkways. Disc 󰀱: Guitar Bands of the 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰s ; Analytics disc 󰀲: Sounds and Songs of Everyday Life ; disc 󰀳: Sounds and Songs of Ritual Save

Accept All and Ceremony ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴–󰀷. Te. time of bells, 󰀱–󰀴 . CD. Santa Fe: VoxLox. ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀹. Jazz cosmopolitanism in Ghana: A DVD trilog trilogyy. Santa Fe: V VoxLox oxLox..

———. 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀰. Collaborative migrations: Contemporary art in/as anthropology (in conversation with Virginia Ryan). In Between art and anthropology, ed.  Arnd Schneider and Christopher Christopher Wright, Wright, pp. pp. 󰀱󰀰󰀹–󰀲󰀵. London: Berg. Berg. ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀱a. Rainforest soundwalks: Ambiences of Bosavi, Papua New Guinea . CD. 󰀲nd ed. Santa Fe: VoxLox. ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀱b. Voices of the rainforest . CD. 󰀲nd ed. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Folkways. ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀲a.  Jazz cosmopolitanism in Accra: Five musical years in Ghana. Durham: Duke University Press. ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀲b.  Jazz cosmopolitanism in Accra: A CD companion. CD. Santa Fe: VoxLox. Feld, Steven, and Donald Brenneis. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴. Doing anthropology in sound. American Ethnologist  󰀳󰀱(󰀴):󰀴󰀶󰀱–󰀷󰀴.  󰀳󰀱(󰀴):󰀴󰀶󰀱–󰀷󰀴.

 

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󰁉 󰁮 󰁴 󰁲 󰁯󰁤 󰁵 󰁣 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮 󰁴󰁯 󰁴 󰁨 󰁥 󰁔 󰁨 󰁩 󰁲 󰁤 󰁅 󰁤󰁩 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮

Feld, Steven, and Aaron Fox. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀴. Music and language.  Annual Review of Anthropology  󰀲󰀳:󰀲󰀵–󰀵󰀳. Feld, Steven, Aaron Fox, Tomas Porcello, and David Samuels. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴. Vocal anthropology: From the music of language to the language of song. In  A com panion to linguistic anthropology, ed. Alessandro Alessand ro Dura Duranti, nti, pp. 󰀳󰀲󰀱–󰀴󰀶. Oxfo Oxford: rd: Blackwell. Feld, Steven, and Scott Sinkler. 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀳. Voices in the forest . Tirty- minute radio soundscape in narrated and unnarrated versions. Washington, D.C.: National Public Radio. R adio. Remastered Remastered and published in Feld 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀱b:disc 󰀲. Fox, Aaron. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴. Real country: Music and language in working-class working-class culture . Durham: Duke University Press. Fuller, Buckminster, and Quentin Fiore. 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀰. I seem to to be a verb. New York York:: Bantam. Gilberthorpe, Emma. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀷. Fasu solidarity: A case study of kin networks, land tenure, and oil 󰀱󰀰󰀹(󰀱):󰀱󰀰󰀱–󰀱󰀲. extraction at Lake Kutubu, Papua New Guinea.  American  Anthropologist   󰀱󰀰󰀹(󰀱):󰀱󰀰󰀱–󰀱󰀲. Greene, Paul, and Tomas Porcello, eds. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴. Wired for sound: Engineering techThis website stores data such as nologies cookies to enable essential site in sonic cultures. Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press. functionality, as Hirschkind, well as marketing, Charles. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀶. Te ethical soundscape: Cassette sermons and Islamic personalization, and analytics. You counterpublics may change your settings at any time . New York: Columbia University Press. or accept the default settings. Holland, Holla nd, odd, odd, director. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀸. Krippen Krippendorf dorf ’s tribe . Los Angeles: ouchstone Pictures. Privacy Policy Ihde, Don. 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀶. Listening and voice: A phenomenology of sound . Athens: Ohio State University Press. Marketing  Jakobson, Roman. 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀰. Selected writings, volume 󰀳: Te poetry of grammar and the Personalization  grammar of poetry. Te Hague: Mouton. Analytics———. 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀵. 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀵 . Verbal art, verbal sign, verbal time . Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Save Accept All Kahn, Douglas. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀹. Noise, water, water, meat: A history of sound in tthe he arts. Cambridge: MI Press.

Kelly, Raymond C. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀳. Constructing inequality: Te fabrication of a hierarchy of virtue among the Etoro. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Knauft, Bruce. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀲.  Exchanging the past: A rainforest world w orld of before and after . Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Kruth, Patricia, and Henry Stobart, Stoba rt, eds. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀰. Sound: Te Darwin lectures l ectures. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kurita, Hiroyuki. 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀸. Place and personal names as markers of history: An approach to the historical consciousness of the Fasu, Papua New Guinea. okyo: Sanseido. LaBelle, Brandon. 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀰.  Acoustic territories: Sound culture and ever everyday yday life . London: Continuum. Lévi-Strauss, LéviStrauss, Claude. 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀲. La Pensée Sauvage . Paris: Librairie Plon. Marcus, George, and Michael M. J. Fischer. 󰀱󰀹󰀸󰀶.  Anthropology as cultural cri-

 

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tique: An experimental moment in the human sciences . Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

McLuhan, Marshall, and Quentin Fiore. 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀷. Te medium is the massage . New York: Bantam. ———. 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀸. War and peace in the global village . New York: Bantam. Meintjes, Louise. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀳. Sound of Africa! Making music Zulu in a South African studio. Durham: Duke University Press. Merriam, Alan P. 󰀱󰀹󰀶󰀴. Te anthropology of music . Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press. Minnegal, Monica, and Peter Dwyer. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀹. Rereading relationships: Changing constructions of identity among the Kubo of Papua New Guinea.  Ethnology  󰀳󰀸(󰀱):󰀵󰀹–󰀸󰀰.  ’boli, PhilipMora, Manolete. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀵.  Myth, mimesis and magic in the music of the ’boli,  pines. Quezon City: City : Ateneo de Manila University Press. Novak, David. Forthcoming. Japanoise: Te cultural feedback of global media circulation. Durham: Duke University Press. Panopoulos, Panayotis. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀳. Animal bells as symbols: Sound and meaning in a Greek island village. Journal of the Royal Anthropological IInstitute  nstitute  󰀹(󰀴):󰀶󰀳󰀹–   󰀹(󰀴):󰀶󰀳󰀹– This website stores data such as cookies to enable 󰀵󰀶. essential site functionality, as well revor, as marketing, Pinch, and Karin Bijsterveld, eds. 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀱. Te Oxford handbook of sound personalization, and analytics. You studies. New York: Oxford University Press. may change your settings at any time Pinney, Christopher. 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀱. Photography and anthropology. London: Reaktion. or accept the default settings. Rouch, Jean. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀳. CinéCiné-ethnography ethnography. Edited and translated by Steven Feld. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Privacy Policy Samuels, David. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀴. “Putting a song on top of it”: Expression and identity on the Marketing San Carlos Apache reservation. ucson: University of Arizona Press. Personalization Samuels, David, Louise Louis e Meintjes, Ana Maria Mari a Ochoa, and Tomas Porcello. 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀰. Analytics Soundscapes: oward a sounded anthropology.  Annual Review of Anthro pology 󰀳󰀹:󰀳󰀲󰀵–󰀴󰀵. Save Accept All Scaldaferri, Nicola, ed. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀵. Santi, animali e suoni . Udine: Nota. With a CD by Steven Feld.

Schaf er, R. Murray. 󰀱󰀹󰀷󰀷. Te tuning of the world . New York: Schafer, York: Alfred Alf red A. Knopf. Kn opf. Schieffelin, Bambi B. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀶. Creating evidence: Making sense of the written  word in Bosavi. In  Interaction and grammar  g rammar , ed. E. Ochs, E. Schegloff, and S. Tompson, pp. 󰀴󰀵–󰀶󰀰. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀰. Introducing Introducing Kaluli literacy: A chronology of influences. In Regimes of language , ed. Paul Kroskrity, pp. 󰀲󰀹󰀳–󰀳󰀲󰀷. Santa Fe: School of American Research Press. ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀲. Marking time: Te dichotomizing discourse of multiple temporalities. Current Anthropology 󰀴󰀳:󰀵–󰀱󰀷. ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀵. Te give and take of everyday life: Language socialization of Kaluli children. 󰀲nd ed. ucson: Fenestra. Fenest ra.

 

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󰁉 󰁮 󰁴 󰁲 󰁯󰁤 󰁵 󰁣 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮 󰁴󰁯 󰁴 󰁨 󰁥 󰁔 󰁨 󰁩 󰁲 󰁤 󰁅 󰁤󰁩 󰁴 󰁩󰁯󰁮 󰁩󰁯 󰁮

———. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀷. Found in translating: Reflexive language across time and texts. In Consequences of contact: Language ideologies and sociocultural transformations in Pacific societies, ed. B. B. Schieff Schieffelin elin and M M.. Makihara, pp. 󰀱󰀴󰀰–󰀶󰀵. Oxfo Oxford: rd: Oxford University Press. ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀸a. Speaking only your own mind: Reflections on confession, gossip gossip,, and intentionality in Bosavi (PNG). Anthropological Quarterly 󰀸󰀱(󰀲):󰀴󰀳󰀱–󰀴󰀱. ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀸b. ok bokis, tok piksa: ranslating parables in Papua New Guinea. In Social lives in language: Sociolinguistics and multilingual speech communities, ed. M. Meyerhoff and N. Nagy, pp. 󰀱󰀱󰀱–󰀳󰀴. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Schieffelin, Bambi B., and Steven Feld, with Hɔidɔ Degelɔ, Hɔnowɔ Degili, Kulu Fuale, Ayasilo Hɛina, and Dɛina Hɛwabɛ. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀸. Bosavi- English-ok  English-ok Pisin dictionary. Australian National University, Pacific Linguistics C-󰀱󰀵󰀳. C-󰀱󰀵󰀳. Schieffelin, Edward L. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀵. On failure and performance. In Te performance of healing , ed. Carol Laderman and Marina Roseman, pp. 󰀵󰀹–󰀹󰀰. New York: Routledge. ———. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀶. Evil spirit sickness, the Christian disease: Innovation of a new syndrome of mental derangement and redemption in Papua New Guinea. Culture, Medicine, and Psychiatry 󰀲󰀰:󰀱–󰀳󰀹. ———. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀷. History and the fate of the forest on the Great Papuan Plateau. This website stores data such as  Anthropological Forum 󰀷(󰀴):󰀵󰀷󰀵–󰀹󰀷. cookies to enable essential site 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀸. Problematizing performance. In Ritual, performance, media, ed. functionality, as ———. well as marketing, personalization, and analytics. Feliciaa You Felici Hughes-Freeland, Hughes-Freeland, pp. 󰀱󰀹󰀴–󰀲󰀰󰀷. 󰀱󰀹󰀴– 󰀲󰀰󰀷. New York: York: Routledge. Ro utledge. may change your settings at any time ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀵. Te sorrow of the lonely and the burning of the dancers . 󰀲nd ed. New or accept the default settings. York: Palgrave Macmillan. ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀶a. Moving performance to text: Can performance be transcribed? Privacy Policy Oral radition 󰀲󰀰(󰀱):󰀸󰀰–󰀹󰀲. Marketing ———. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀶b. Participation. In Teorizing rituals: Classical topics, theoretical Personalization

approaches, analytical concepts, volume 󰀱 , ed. Jens Kreinath, Jan Snoek, and Michael Stausberg, pp. 󰀶󰀱󰀵–󰀲󰀵. Leiden: Brill. Analytics Schieffelin, Schieffel in, Edward L., L., and Robert Crittenden. Crittend en. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀱. Like people you see in a dream: Save Accept All First contact in six Papuan societies. Stanford, Ca.: Stanford University Press. Schwartz, Hillel. 󰀲󰀰󰀱󰀱. Making noise: From Babel ttoo the big bang and beyond . Cam-

bridge: Zone. Shaw, R. Daniel. 󰀱󰀹󰀹󰀰. Kandila: Samo ceremonialism and interpersonal relationships. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Smith, Mark M. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀱. Listening to nineteenth-century nineteenth-century America. Chapel Hill: Uni versity of North North Carolina Press. Press. Solomon, Tomas. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀰. Dueling landscapes: Singing places and identities in Highland Bolivia. Ethnomusicology  󰀴󰀴(󰀲):󰀲󰀵󰀷–󰀸󰀰. Sørum, Arve. 󰀲󰀰󰀰󰀳. Sociality asand figure: Bedamini perceptions ofofsocial relationships. In Oceanic socialities cultural forms: Ethnographies experience  , ed. Ingjerd Hoëm and Sidsel Roalkvam, pp. 󰀱󰀳–󰀲󰀹. Oxford: Berghahn.

 

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