The Flatbush Rebellion.

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--lrederick Douglass, írom a speech in 185¯
supporting ·iolent sla·e uprisings
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1his much we know: on a chilly Saturday night, cops in an unmarked car
rolled up on a group oí young people on a quiet block in Last llatbush. At
the end oí the encounter, 16-year-old Kimani Kiki` Gray lay dying on the
concrete, hit by se·en police bullets.
Kimani`s íriends say e·erything happened íast. 1hey had no idea the men
who rushed at Kimani were police oí!cers, because they ne·er identi!ed
themsel·es. Another woman saw the incident írom her window. She insists
that whether or not Kimani had a gun on him, his hands were empty when
the oí!cers shot him. 1he same witness says oí!cers kept shooting e·en aíter
Kimiani was on the ground. \hen she cried out in shock and grieí, one oí
the oí!cers pointed his gun at her, and told her to get back írom the window
or he would shoot her too. An autopsy has since re·ealed that Kimani was hit
se·en times, twice in the back. News stories unco·ered that both oí Kimani`s
killers ha·e íaced lawsuits in the past, íor illegally stopping, írisking and
beating up innocent people--in each incident, the N\PD paid oíí the ·ictims
to make the cases go away.
Police spokespeople told the usual bullshit story to the news: Kimani was
a member oí the ·iolent Bloods street gang, with a criminal record. As their
car approached, Kimani adjusted his waistband suspiciously and walked away
írom his íriends. \hen oí!cers exited their car and approached him, Kimani
spun around, drawing his gun, and they were íorced to !re on him. 1hey
reco·ered the gun at the scene, a .38 re·ol·er. lor the cops, and íor most oí
the mainstream media, Kimani was just another young thug, a criminal to the
bone, who had to be erased íor the common good.
1
In situations like this, reporters and newspapers usually take the police`s
story as truth. But most black and brown people in N\C know better than
to do that. In the past year alone, there ha·e been plenty oí stories oí police
murdering unarmed young people, such as Ramarley Graham in the Bronx.
1here ha·e been many cases in recent years oí police planting guns and drugs
on suspects to guarantee arrests, and oí corrupt oí!cers co·ering up íor one
another. 1he N\PD regularly bends and breaks the rules to its ad·antage, and
its members co·er each other`s backs. Regardless oí how good` or bad`
indi·idual oí!cers are, this is how the police íorce works as an institution.
So to an iníormed obser·er, the cops` story doesn`t add up. L·en ií
Kimani had a gun on him--and that`s a big ií--why would he start a gunbattle
with police íor no apparent reason, when he was trying to lea·e discreetly·
Common sense tells a diííerent story: the cops killed Kimani because they
·iew anyone who is black, poor or working class, as a threat. And íor them it`s
easier to shoot people like Kimani than to treat them like íull human beings.
1his was surely the thought in many people`s minds the week aíter
Kimani`s murder, when young people in llatbush took to the streets. As
Kimani was bleeding on the pa·ement, he had pleaded with the oí!cers:
please, don`t let me die.` Sadly, he was pronounced dead that e·ening at
Kings County lospital. But young people in Last llatbush soon made sure
he would ne·er be íorgotten.
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Movaa,, Marcb 11tb: . Rebettiov ßrea/. Ovt
A ·igil was held íor Kimani the Monday aíter his murder. But the young
people oí Last llatbush wanted more. Beíore the ·igil could be shut down,
100 young people took the !ght to the cops. 1hey waged a daring raid on
the 6¯th precinct, "inging
garbage and bottles at the
windows. \hen cops mo·ed
to contain the crowds, others
threw bottles down at them
írom rooítops. At one point
a large crowd trashed a local
Rite Aid.
On his 1witter account,
councilman Jumaane \illiams lamented that a peaceíul ·igil had de·ol·ed
into a riot.` On 1hee Rant,` a blog íor retired cops, users said that 6¯th
2
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Bastards oí the Party ,mo·ie,
Cav`t ´to¡ !ov`t ´to¡ by Jeíí Chang
Ovr ívevie. iv ßtve by Kristian \illiams
.vtobiogra¡b, of Matcotv ` by Alex laley
Rerotvtiovar, ´viciae by luey Newton
Mov.ter by Sanyika Shakur
...ata by Assata Shakur
]aitbrea/ Ovt Of íi.tor, by Butch Lee
´oteaaa ßrotber by George Jackson
Ca¡itat for ßegivver. by Da·id Smith
. íi.tor, of ^egro Rerott by CLR James
Moaerv Potitic. by CLR James
. ´tva, of !atter Roave,`. ívtettectvat ava Potiticat 1bovgbt by
Rupert Lewis
1be Ma/ivg of íaiti by Carolyn lick
ívbert íarri.ov: 1be 1oice of íartev Raaicati.v by Jeííery Perry
ßtac/ Pavtber Part, Recov.iaerea by Charles Jones
Raaicati.v ava ´ociat Cbavge iv ]avaica by Obika Gray
!ovev, íabovr ava Potitic. iv 1riviaaa ava 1obago by Rhoda
Reddock
Rerotvtiovar, Rebear.at. by Colin Baker
´tri/e! by Jeremy Brecher
precinct cops were reporting the rebellion was pretty bad.` A second 1witter
user posted that llatbush sounded like a war zone.` Across the city, acti·ists
íollowed the rebellion on lacebook and 1witter, and wanted to join them in
the streets.
1ve.aa,, Marcb 12tb: .ctiri.t. ov tbe ´ceve
1he next day around 100 people írom across the city came out to
Last llatbush. 1hey were all kinds oí acti·ists and re·olutionaries: Occupy
acti·ists, organizers írom the Stop Stop and lrisk campaign, anarchists,
members oí socialist parties, communists and others unaí!liated with any
particular group. Many were white, but some were Black, Asian, and Latina.
1hey were all outraged that another young black man had been gunned
down by the police. Some íelt the
rebellion was understandable but
regrettable, and hoped it would
not happen again. Others thought
it was a righteous, necessary act oí
resistance, and hoped the youth
oí the neighborhood would bring
it again, this time with outside
support. 1hey wanted the cops
to pay a hea·ier price íor taking
Kimani`s liíe.
1he police also anticipated
that the rebellion might continue. 1hey came out in large numbers with riot
police, mounted oí!cers, scooters, cars, ·ans, and a helicopter. Against these
íorces, little could be done. 1he march that night scuí"ed with cops, brie"y
took to the streets, but was soon split in two by a line oí police scooters and
íorced onto opposite sides oí the street. 1he N\PD used a typical protest
tactic: split and immobilize the crowd, and wait íor people to get bored and
lea·e on their own, rather than suííering the bad publicity oí arresting lots oí
people or !ring pepper spray.
Unwilling to start a !ght with the police without local initiati·e, the
acti·ists closed out their action with a series oí speakers. 1hey called íor
the usual: justice íor Kimani, an end to police harassment and brutality, a
mo·ement against the system.
!eave.aa,, Marcb 1²tb: 1be Rebettiov Covtivve.
1he largest rebellion was the íollowing night, March 13th. All the players
came to play. Politicians like Jumaane \illiams and many others wanted to
3
maintain peace and quiet. Large crowds oí young black militants gathered.
lew whites were around. A íew acti·ists were present, but most oí the
re·olutionaries in the city didn`t know what would happen that night, so they
didn`t come.
\ou could íeel the
tension in the air. Politicians
and many acti·ists talked
about keeping the march
peaceíul. L·eryone spoke
íor the young people, but
the young people didn`t
speak íor themsel·es.
1heir actions later that
night would speak louder
than words. lor two hours,
speakers lectured the young people. It íelt like school. Speakers ga·e lectures
about the need íor peace. Soon a march broke out, though it wasn`t clear
exactly how this happened. 1he cops íollowed behind it like ·ultures.
As the march spread out down the side streets along Church, bra·e people
picked up bottles and rocks, and "ung them at the police cars. 1he rebellion
had begun. lrom that moment onward, crowds oí young people engaged
in running battles with the police. 1he cops made arrests, and the crowd
reacted. At one point a íather tried to íree his daughter írom the clutches oí
the police. Other women were arrested and brutalized, angering the crowd.
But people kept !ghting.
lury at the police had once
again boiled o·er, and come
into the open. Street battles
raged íor hours.
L·entually, the crowd
was split into many smaller
pieces. 1he night was o·er.
lorty-six had been arrested,
but Kimani`s spirit li·ed.
le was not íorgotten.
1hat night, the íorces oí order began a counterattack. Councilman Jumaane
\illiams posted on 1witter that the rebellion had been started by outsiders
who did not li·e in llatbush, and he urged them to stay away.
1bvr.aa,, Marcb 11tb: 1be Rebettiov Covtaivea
1he next night, the íorces oí order came out in íull íorce. Jumaane
4
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1. Gather all the brothers and sisters who took part in the
rebellion.
2. Study our enemy: the N\PD.
3. Understand oursel·es, including learning the history oí
gangs, Aíro-Caribbeans, and the United States.
4. Spread the message to other hoods.
5. Ií anyone gets killed in any hood, we show up, ready to
rebel.
6. Build support among workers that make the city run:
subways workers, cab dri·ers, íast íood workers, nurses
and more. Ií we do not ha·e their support, we will lose
the bigger struggle.
¯. Learn better street !ghting strategies against the police.
8. Lncourage gangs throughout the city to transition into
re·olutionary organizations.
9. Plan íor a general insurrection against the N\PD and
the city oí New \ork.
13
has happened beíore, and it is happening right now in places such as Lgypt
and Greece. Re·olution doesn`t just happen on its own. It happens when you
and many others get in·ol·ed in sol·ing the biggest problems oí our world.
It might sound crazy. Many oí us are unemployed, students or workers, and
we`re taught that we ha·e no power. But that`s what the system wants us to
think. As indi·iduals we are weak, but together we ha·e the ability to change
the world.
1he rich and poweríul in the U.S. are terri!ed that people here will unite,
as they ha·e in other countries, and in the past. 1hat`s one oí the reasons
N\C has so many cops: to prepare íor the possibility that big rebellions could
break out, and turn into re·olution. Ií that were to happen, the police, the
lBI, the national guard, and the U.S. army would all mo·e to crush it. It`s
the job oí politicians like Jumaane \illiams to make sure it ne·er comes to a
re·olutionary moment. It`s the job oí re·olutionaries to help the people get
there, and to win.
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1he question írom here is: what next·
It`s sad, but the rebellion will not get justice íor Kimani. 1he rebellion
would ha·e to ha·e been much bigger, more poweríul, and more organized.
But there will be other opportunities. \e need to prepare.
\e need to !nd a way to make re·olution, and stop police killings íore·er.
Black and Latino men, ages 14-24, are 5° oí N\C`s population. 5° oí the
population by itselí can`t sol·e all oí society`s problems. low will this 5° not
just look out íor itselí, but also build unity with all the other poor and working
class people in the city· 1hese people are our cousins, brothers, mothers, and
aunts. \e need a political ·ision that can unite the poor and oppressed. 1hat
political ·ision is part oí what needs to be !gured out. Re·olutionaries want
to work with all those in·ol·ed in the llatbush Rebellion to make this happen.
\e cannot lie. 1he struggle will be long, hard, and painíul. 1hat`s the
diííerence between a rebellion and a re·olution. \e want to do both. \e
are now building íor another round oí struggle, and new, better organized
rebellions. \e are working towards ending the N\PD. Below are 9 steps we
can take together to make this happen. \e hope you will join us.
íbrebellion¸yahoo.com
12
\illiams, and groups like lathers Ali·e in the lood ,lAI1l,, all arri·ed
with a game plan. 1hese people wanted the ghost oí Kiki buried íore·er
and íorgotten. 1hey wanted peace--the same peace we ha·e e·ery day, when
young people are murdered by the cops and the city goes on with its business.
1hey wanted to go to a church and talk. \hen they tried to get the crowd to
join them, a íew people entered, but most kept marching.
1his time around, white people came out in large numbers. Many oí the
whites in the crowd were re·olutionaries: communists, anarchists and more.
Other re·olutionaries were Black, Asian, Latina. 1hey all knew that no N\C
neighborhood in recent memory had been able to do what llatbush had
done. 1hey íelt íull support must be gi·en to the rebellion.
But a great di·ide existed between white and black. 1hey didn`t talk to each
other much. Most importantly, they weren`t able to !ght the police together.
1he whites weren`t able to
pro·e their contempt íor
the police. Little was said
and little was done. 1he
anger in the hearts oí many
people-black and white,
militant and re·olutionary-
was contained.
1he police were
e·erywhere. 1hey were
on rooítops, in the air, on
horses, and on íoot. \ith
only a hundred or so in the crowd, no militant resistance was possible. It
would ha·e required hundreds, or thousands more, but it didn`t happen. So
the llatbush rebellion was brought to an end.
Ií the rebellion had not taken place, íew people would ha·e heard oí
Kimani Gray, and e·en íewer would ha·e remembered him. But the llatbush
rebellion made headlines across the country. It increased public scrutiny on
the cops. And it ga·e people a brieí glimpse oí the power we can ha·e, at any
time, when we unite and !ght.
@/ ?"#+# 9,9 ,! A-2# %+-2B
Rebellions like the one in llatbush are happening across the world. In
Paris, Oakland, London, and Cairo, rebellions are shaking the system. 1hey`re
happening because tens oí millions oí young people are being denied a
íuture, and they`re angry about it.
5
lor most young people in the U.S. today, there are ·ery íew jobs to be
íound. And those that exist don`t pay enough to co·er rent or tuition, let
alone raising a íamily. In some parts oí the country, 50° oí young black men
are unemployed, and those with college degrees are mopping "oors to pay
their debts. 1he only choice young people ha·e today is between grueling
dead-end jobs at McDonalds, unemployment, prison, or death. And they
know it. \hen adults tell them to get a job` or work their way up,` they are
smart enough to know it is a lie, and they don`t listen.
Some young people try to gi·e their li·es meaning by hustling, getting
props írom their íriends, and getting a memorial mural on a brick wall
somewhere when they die. 1his may gi·e them a sense oí honor, and a íew
íriends may remember them. But it doesn`t change the larger system that
denies the ·ast majority oí people a good liíe.
\e li·e in an economic system called capitalism. 1he situation oí young
people today is not an accident, but something that`s an inherent part oí
our society: it ba¡¡ev. ov ¡vr¡o.e. In our society, e·eryone is caught between
unemployment and shitty employment. \hen we`re unemployed, we ha·e
some íree time but risk star·ation. \hen we`re employed, we earn a little
money but ha·e to sell oursel·es to a boss íor hours on end. 1his rat race
is what keeps the system mo·ing. 1he system demands that e·eryone must
work at exhausting jobs and make pro!ts íor others, or be searching íor work,
desperate and poor.
Some people think they can escape this rat race ií they work hard enough,
but the reality is that most people ne·er do. And ií they escape it, they ha·e to
íorget their hood roots, and become the new exploiters oí the hood.
1his is why the rebellions will keep coming. NO1 because young Black
people are uncontrollable, inherently criminal, or íucked up. Rebellions will
happen because people
rise up against injustice.
Because today, a whole
generation is being
thrown in the garbage,
and it is reíusing to be
íorgotten.
1he last time
rebellions shook the
United States was
aíter the assassination
oí Dr. Martin Luther
King Jr. in 1968. 1hat year, o·er 100 cities rose up in rebellion. lundreds
oí thousands oí people íought together in the streets. In some cases, young
people took control oí their cities íor days, and redistributed íood, clothes,
6
dri·en oíí the street corners by the N\PD. lip hop` slowly came to mean
shallow music and selí-destruction, and the creati·e street organizations that
had appeared in the hood were destroyed. 1he trap oí joblessness and the
drug economy remained. Banging came back íull íorce.
Ií oppressed people do not !ght their enemies, they end up !ghting each
other. O·er time, that is what happened to the gangs oí the 1960s and 19¯0s.
1he war against the police turned into a war against each other. la·ing a
political ·ision helps groups to identiíy their common enemies, and a·oid
íalling into this trap. Re·olutionaries ha·e a political ·ision, íor o·erturning
the capitalist system to create something better íor e·eryone. Re·olutionaries
belie·e the common enemy are the police, the bosses, the landlords, the
go·ernment, the capitalists, the rich and poweríul.
Can gangs become re·olutionary organizations· 1his is a ·ery important
question. 1hey did it in the 1960s. \e hope that this happens again, but lots
oí challenges remain.
Mav, ¡eo¡te .a, re veea reforv.
Remember the name oí the CRIPS. lirst it was Community
RLVOLU1IONAR\ Inter-Party Ser·ice. 1hen it was changed to Community
RLlORM Inter-Party Ser·ice. \hat is the diííerence between reíorm and
re·olution·
People who belie·e in reíorm think the system can be changed little by
little, to help the oppressed. 1hings are gradually getting better, they say. By
·oting, using your ·oice,` writing letters to the Mayor and the President, or
just by working harder, the system will change. 1hey don`t realize that the
system depends upon keeping the majority oí people poor, o·erworked and
desperate. 1hey don`t see how it`s the ·ery nature oí the system to do this.
1hey don`t think the entire system needs to be changed.
Re·olutionaries know the system is íundamentally rotten. \e belie·e that
millions oí people o·erthrowing capitalism and the go·ernment is the only
way to stop police killings íor good, and make a better liíe íor all. Re·olution
means more than just putting a new president in oí!ce, or !ring the worst cops.
It means making a new kind oí society, where e·eryone participates directly
in running society. It means abolishing bosses, landlords and the police, and
pro·iding the means íor a good liíe to e·eryone lOR lRLL. It means ending
racism, women`s oppression, gay oppression, and more. It means all human
beings--men and women, diííerent nationalities and religions--relating to each
other in a new and better way, as sisters and brothers.
\e belie·e it can be done. \ou can Google laitian Re·olution,` Russian
Re·olution,` Chinese Re·olution` or Spanish Re·olution` to learn about
diííerent re·olutions throughout history, their strengths and weaknesses. It
11
or íormed groups oí their own. 1hey read Karl Marx, Malcolm X, Mao
1se-tung, lrantz lanon, and put their ideas into action. 1hey ran íood and
political education programs, led massi·e demonstrations against the cops
and the go·ernment, and organized whole neighborhoods to resist. It didn`t
happen only in Los Angeles, but across the country. In Chicago, a local
Puerto Rican street gang called the \oung Lords turned political, spread to
N\C, and renamed itselí the \oung Lords Party. Other gangs in Chicago-
-including white street gangs--joined in a rainbow coalition` with the local
chapter oí the Black Panther Party, led by lred lampton. But the police and
lBI shattered the unity oí those years, by waging war against re·olutionary
organizations. Soon the Black Panther Party and many others were destroyed.
Now young people started íorming diííerent groups.
In Los Angeles, one such group was called the CRIPS. CRIPS` stood
íor Community Re·olutionary Inter-Party Ser·ice in Progress. In the early
19¯0s, the CRIPS said they wanted jobs, housing, better schools, recreation
íacilities, and community control oí local institutions.` Local politicians
urged them to change their name to Community RLlORM Inter-Party
Ser·ice. Ultimately, the jobs the CRIPS were hoping íor would ne·er appear:
those jobs were lea·ing Los Angeles. 1here was nothing to do but bang.
1he CRIPS did not ha·e a clear political ·ision íor íreedom, and they
slowly íorgot their re·olutionary origins. Political ·ision gi·es people a reason
to unite to !ght a common enemy. \ithout it, inter-gang ·iolence soon
returned to Los Angeles. 1his
e·entually led to the íormation
oí the Bloods as a deíensi·e
measure against the CRIPS.
In N\C the story was
slightly diííerent. lere, the
Ghetto Brothers, a Bronx
street gang inspired by the
\oung Lords, held a peace
summit in the mid 19¯0s to
unite all the gangs in the borough. 1he meeting was a success. Aíterward,
it became possible íor young people írom all diííerent cliques to tra·el to
each other`s neighborhoods and party. 1he transíormation made new kinds
oí creati·ity possible. \oung people turned their gangs into crews, and began
competing with one another íor artistic recognition. New cultural groups
íormed, such as Zulu Nation. 1hey created public artwork on buildings and
trains, and in·ented new íorms oí music and dance. 1his is how hip hop was
born.
But early hip hop also lacked a political ·ision. \ithin a íew years, the
music was bought up by capitalists, and the ciphers that ga·e birth to it were
10
tele·isions, and more to all. Out oí this experience, some young street !ghters
became re·olutionaries. 1hey wanted to end the rat race once and íor all,
and break out oí the trap between unemployment and shitty employment.
1hey íormed new chapters oí the Black Panther Party, or groups like the
League oí Re·olutionary Black \orkers in the auto íactories. lrom the !res
oí rebellion, a new generation oí íreedom !ghters was born.
Many smaller rebellions ha·e happened since then: Miami 1982, Seatlle
1999, Cincinatti 2001, 1oledo 2005, and especially the Los Angeles rebellion
oí 1992. Unlike the rebellions oí the 1960s,
howe·er, these rebellions did not produce a
new set oí re·olutionaries. \e ha·e yet to
see ií a new generation oí young people will
rise to the challenge, and lead a mo·ement to
change the society that oppresses us.
1he llatbush Rebellion can be a
beginning oí something new, or the end. It`s
·ery sad to say, but those who killed Kiki
will probably recei·e no punishment. More
brothers and sisters will surely be murdered
by police in the íuture. \oung people in Last
llatbush ha·e made sure that Kiki will ne·er be íorgotten, but what about
all the other kids killed by cops each year· \hat about their own li·es, íacing
wage-sla·ery, unemployment, prison and death·
1o change the system, rebellions will ha·e to spread, and grow more
poweríul and organized. People will ha·e to show the bra·ery they displayed
in llatbush, and more. It`s clear what people are gonna ha·e to do to actually
li·e in a world without police. \e can`t print it, because it is illegal to say
such things. But you either know or you don`t. \e can`t get rid oí the police
without getting rid oí capitalism and the go·ernment. As long as capitalism
exists, it will need police to keep killing us, to keep poor and desperate people
írom taking their li·es into their own hands. It`s easy íor someone to íront
and say they`ll do this, but it`s much harder to actually make it happen.
\e should be proud oí the llatbush rebellion, but not get arrogant about
it. 1he rebellions in Last llatbush were not poweríul enough to do that. 1o
shake this system to its roots, people írom all o·er N\C will ha·e to join in,
by the tens oí thousands. \oung people will ha·e to rebel in neighborhoods
across the city. \orkers will ha·e to join by reíusing to work, and bringing
the city to a halt. Until we can do that, we are just a thorn in the side oí
the system. \e ha·e to bring the system down, and in the process, build
something better.
¯
C/ 9#('!,.5 !"# '%!#+2'!"
People across llatbush and N\C are talking about the rebellion, what its
strengths and weaknesses were, and whether it can be justi!ed. \e want to
take this section to contribute to these discussion.
´ove ¡eo¡te .a, ¡rote.t i. o/a,, bvt riotivg i.v`t.
On google search, Kimani Gray` has o·er 20,000 hits. 1his would ha·e
ne·er happened without the rebellion. 1he world would ha·e ne·er known.
le would ha·e been another dead black boy in a world that doesn`t care about
the li·es oí young black people.
1here`s nothing wrong with smashing cop cars, breaking bank widows,
and so on. It would be better ií money could be taken írom the banks and
shared around, and the cop cars made unusable. But that will ha·e to happen
another day. Militants should not attack small shops, cars belonging to poor
and working people, or people`s homes. But e·erything else is íair.
1he police will only respect íorce. 1he only problem with the rebellion
was that there wasn`t enough oí it. loods in N\C are too disconnected
írom one another. \hen rebellion in llatbush broke out, cliques írom across
the city should ha·e come out to support. Just like the N\PD sends police
írom all o·er the city to contain the people, our brothers and sisters should
represent in íull íorce.
´ove ¡eo¡te are .a,ivg tbe rebettiov ra. cav.ea b, ovt.iaer..
Councilman Jumaane
\illiams has claimed the
rebellions were caused by
people who did not li·e
in llatbush, and many
reporters and others
ha·e íollowed his lead.
By outsiders,` he also
means white people. L·eryone knows this is bullshit. Jumaane \illiams is
implying that the young black militants in llatbush were either controlled by
whites and outsiders, or that they did not care enough about Kimani Gray to
!ght the police on their own. \e know both are lies.
\illiams` lie is important íor two reasons. lirst, it pro·es what role
\illiams played during the rebellion. le didn`t try to help the rebellion deíeat
the cops. le tried to deíeat and contain the rebellion. le wanted to make
sure that whites, Asians, Latinas and Blacks did not !ght the police together.
8
1hat might ha·e led to a historic deíeat oí the N\PD in Last llatbush. It
would ha·e pro·en what we know to be true: when they unite, oppressed
people can deíeat the police.
1he second reason \illiams` lie is important, is that it highlights problems
íaced by people oí all races, who came to llatbush to support the rebellion.
Many oí the those people were re·olutionaries and came prepared to !ght
the N\PD alongside their brothers and sisters. But they knew what Jumaane
\illiams, and others like him, would say. 1he re·olutionaries were waiting íor
the Black militants to take the lead 1uesday and 1hursday night. 1hey didn`t
want to take the lead themsel·es, because ií they did, Jumaane \illiams would
say the same garbage again. \e ha·e to !gure out how to sol·e this problem.
´ove ¡eo¡te .a, Kivavi ra. ¡art of a gavg, ava gavg. are atra,. riotevt ava baa.
1here are many types oí organizations in our country. 1here are
basketball teams, chess clubs, political parties and unions. Gangs are one type
oí organization oí oppressed people, but they oíten di·ide themsel·es írom
the rest oí the community, and lose potential allies. 1hat`s why the smartest
militants írom the 1960s stopped banging and started a diííerent kind oí
group: re·olutionary organization.
1he story oí the gangs we know today, such as the Bloods and the CRIPS,
begins in Los Angeles. Gangs !rst de·eloped there in the 1940s, when young
blacks grouped together to deíend themsel·es against racist whites. But as
this happened, the police sided against the young blacks. Ií you were a gang
oí white racists, you were alright: the police did not mess with you. But police
saw black gangs as criminals who had to be locked up.
By the 1960s, many jobs were being replaced with robots, or getting
mo·ed to diííerent parts oí the United States. \oung black people could
not get jobs anymore. More and more young people were leít unemployed,
hanging on street corners, and oíten !ghting with each other. 1he only thing
that stopped the inter-gang
·iolence was unity in rebellion.
1he íamous \atts rebellion
oí 1965, sparked by a case oí
police brutality, brought many
íormerly hostile gangs together.
lor se·eral years, the streets
were peaceíul because the gangs
were !ghting the enemy, and
not each other.
1he smartest, most de·oted
gang leaders joined re·olutionary organizations like the Black Panther Party,
9

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