Where is the Dream

Where is the dream? ²Naeem Tahir In the year 2011, almost 64 years after achieving independence, it appears that we are still short of achieving the kind of state that the Quaid envisaged. Why and how? When researched, these questions unfold many heartbreaking realities Some 72 hours before the formal birth of Pakistan, Mohammad Ali Jinnah was elected the president of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. Pakistan was born as an independent state on midnight of August 15, 1947 and so was Bharat (India). According to the well-known book Midnight¶s Children, the two countries came into existence at the zero hour on August 15, 1947. Pakistan rejoiced in choosing the 14th as its independence day because it carried the sanctity of the 27th of Ramzan in the year 1368 Hijri. On his election as the president of the Constituent Assembly, Quaid-e-Azam Mr Jinnah, wanted the democratic process of the Constituent Assembly to start proceedings without losing any time and to prepare a foundation for the state. The father of the nation at that time correctly chose August 11, 1947 to address the assembly and let everyone know the vision for which statehood had been won after huge sacrifices. This was the vision to be embodied in the constitution of the new state, and that is the vision on which the pillars of the state were to uphold its edifice. In that background of sanctity, sacrifice, hope and determination, only Quaid-e-Azam could have led and shown a clear path for the future. This is exactly what he did on August 11, 1947. In the year 2011, almost 64 years after achieving independence, it appears that we are still short of achieving the kind of state that the Quaid envisaged. Why and how? When researched, these questions unfold many heartbreaking realities. Was Mohammad Ali Jinnah to be µused¶ only until some motives were served? Did all his followers understand and commit themselves to his vision? These are questions that reveal different motives other than the protection of the vision belonging to Quaid-e-Azam. Here are some extracts from his historical address to the Constituent Assembly: ³The Constituent Assembly has two main functions to perform. The first is the very onerous and responsible task of framing the future constitution of Pakistan and the second of functioning as a full and complete sovereign body as the federal legislature of Pakistan...The first observation that I would like to make is this: You will no doubt agree with me that the first duty of a government is to maintain law and order so that the life, property and religious beliefs of its subjects are fully protected by the state. ³The second thing that occurs to me is this: one of the biggest curses from which India is suffering...is bribery and corruption. That really is a poison. We must put that down with an iron hand and I hope that you will take adequate measures as soon as it is possible for this assembly to do so. ³Black marketing is another curse. A citizen who does black marketing commits, I think, a greater crime than the biggest and most grievous of crimes. These black-marketers are really knowing, intelligent and ordinarily responsible people, and when they indulge in black marketing I think they ought to be very severely punished. ³The next thing that strikes me is this: here again it is a legacy, which has been passed on to us. Along with many other things, good and bad, has arrived this great evil ² the evil of nepotism and jobbery. This evil must be crushed relentlessly. ³Now, if we want to make this great state of Pakistan happy and prosperous, we should wholly and solely concentrate on the well-being of the people and especially of the masses and the poor. ³If you change your past and work together in a spirit that everyone of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed is first, second and last a citizen of this state with equal rights, privileges and obligations, there will be no end to the progress you will make. ³I cannot emphasise it too much. We should begin to work in that spirit and in the course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority communities, the Hindu community and the Muslim community ² because even as regards to Muslims you have Pathans, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis and so on and among the Hindus you have Brahmins, Vaishnavas, Khatris, also Bengalis, Madrasis, and so on ² will vanish. Indeed, if you ask me, this has been the biggest hindrance in the way of India to attain freedom and independence; but for this we would have been free people a long, long time ago...Therefore, we must learn a lesson from this. You are free, you are free to go to your temples. You are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this state of Pakistan. You may belong to any region or caste or creed ² that has nothing to do with the business of the state.

³We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one state. ³Now, I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in the course of time, Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual but in the political sense as citizens of the state.´ By bringing the extracts of the Quaid¶s speech to your notice, I have only tried to refresh your memory. This was the vision of an ideal country for which over one million men, women and children laid down their lives and lost their innocence and properties, relatives, friends and habitat. Still, when they arrived, shaken and bruised, through trains and caravans, drenched in blood, at the Walton camp they bowed and kissed the land of their dreams. Do we have the Pakistan of the Quaid¶s vision or our dreams today? The writer is a culture and media management specialist, a researcher, author, director and actor